It is often said that the summer season is a parenthesis in politics. Perhaps anyone who has a purely institutional view of politics thinks so, but the summer of this year, which is still about to end, has given us something to look at.

In the autonomous community of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, the summer was established with the objective that the PNV decided to be part of the PSE-PSOE government with a primary objective: Paralyzing EH Bildu, moving away from government tasks, moving away from possible strategic alliances. The appointment of Imanol Pradales has not changed anything in the direction of the PNV for years. The PNV prefers, under the auspices of the PSOE that governs the Spanish state, to manage the autonomy of the CAV for the benefit of its party, rather than opening channels to the development strategy of the Basque national construction towards Euskal Herria.

In the middle of summer another significant event that directly affects the Basques took place in Catalonia: The ERC party supported the PSC-PSOE on its way to the presidency of the Generalitat, which led the president to Salvador Illa, a fervent Spaniard and negator of the democratic path towards the independence of Catalonia. On the same day, on 8 August, the president of the Generalitat, Carles Puigdemont, returned to his country of origin and appeared in Barcelona to participate in the plenary of the Parlament. It was forcibly banned and forced to travel abroad again.

In spite of everything, the position of CKD is absolutely compromised, both in Catalonia and in the Basque Country, against all those who want to open democratic paths towards independence. But when EH Bildu, why it's not clear, decided that ERC is its strategic ally, and that also indirectly commits EH Bildu in the eyes of the independentists. Perhaps for this reason, in a few days, two prominent leaders of the Abertzale left in an extensive and juicy article of opinion, tried to give explanations by recalling the famous Pact of San Sebastian that opened the doors to the second Spanish republic, materialized on August 17, 1929. A very significant proposal advocated in this article: a federal republic for the whole of the Spanish state, making for it a Spanish left and a progressism vasco.Una proposal that, therefore, differs and departs significantly from the objective of independence.

It is evident that both in Euskal Herria and in Catalonia, the institutional Basque parties, immersed in their own institutional dynamics, appear increasingly integrated in the Spanish State. While the objective of curbing the rise of the extreme right both in Spain and in France, or arguing for governability, in practice, as has been denounced in some rigorous examinations, the so-called “progressive” Social Democrat Left in Spain and France are the most powerful instruments for the denationalization of Euskal Herria and the oppressed nations. Here's something we've learned this summer.

Of course, we need another direction, a very different strategy. Avenues are also being opened up for this, and we have seen new steps from civil society and from various public institutions. In the Aste Nagusia of Bilbao, Itziar Ituño's model proclamation only in Euskera and its stimulant effects. Practical steps in favour of the Basque Republic of the Textile Movement, the forerunner of Plentzia. Proposals for the Basque peoples of the Nautical Association. And on 3 and 4 August in Auritz/Burguete and 8 September in Garazi the open routes to define a state of Euskal Herria. The summer is not yet over.