The main objective of the work has been to “find the keys that our coexistence needs”. What keys have you found?
We understand in-depth coexistence, it is a recognition of what is different from us and a democratic culture is needed for that. And this has been reflected in the study: The lack of democratic culture in Navarre society. In that etsai-lagun dichotomy we live in that win-lose narrative. This does not imply genuine democratic coexistence. This requires the recognition of the other through a more horizontal construction of relations. We have analyzed two identities: Basque and Spanish identity, and we see that we speak easily of diversity, but that we are often not willing to accept that diversity when we talk about identities.

They talk about three areas: society, administration and political groups. Once the study was completed, what do you propose in each of them?
We see how partisanship heavily pollutes society. In 2019, we did a great job with the citizens, and politicians were often accused of creating social conflict. Society and social movements should play a greater role without delegating conflict resolution to the parties.

According to the study, do you notice any change in Navarre in relation to the Basque country, for better or for worse?
We have not entered into socio-linguistic issues, we have analysed attitudes. The socio-linguistic survey carried out in 2016 shows, for the first time, that the Administration's attitude towards the promotion of the Basque Country is decreasing, a trend that remains in the last socio-linguistic survey. When we asked Navarros what hindered coexistence, they talked about ideological polarization, the shock of national identities and the management of the Basque country.

A concrete political project of Spanish nationalism has reinforced the discourse against Euskera, because it believes that a greater promotion of Euskera will increase Basque nationalism. Basque nationalism has also reinforced – before it was – the link between Euskera and nationalism since the 1960s, and hence the famous “Basques”.

They mention three areas of special interest in the Basque Country: official, educational and Basque administration. Where do you think the top three keys are? We have analyzed
officiality from the paradigm of equality. Today, in Navarra 60% of the educational community has the right not to have any kind of relationship with the Basque Country, which affects attitudes: you have no adherence to what you do not know. This is an inequality of opportunity, and that is what we have often been told in our study: “If, as a result of zoning, I have not had the opportunity to learn Basque, now I am in inequality with those who received the Basque language.” Zoning from the perspective of equality increases inequality.

Therefore, zoning should be suspended and all students should have a level of relationship with the Basque Country. Of course, from the point of view of equality, it is also equating the Basque score to no job, but then where would the second central concept of this study, diversity be? The Administration, therefore, has to boost the official status, but we also have to do a work of the speeches, in the line that the Topagunea has been doing in recent years. We believe that in Navarre the most serious problem is attitudes. By law, today the lines of model D can be opened throughout Navarra at the request of families, but this is found with attitudes such as school directions, the attitude of the environment, the attitude of the administration... That is why we say that the conflict is above all identity and political, so we have to see how the Basque issue should be managed in this context as democratic as possible.

What concrete things are the opponents of the promotion of Euskera based on when they talk about the imposition of Euskera?
This is particularly true of job disadvantages and compulsory education. It's not about whether this is true or false, because in our work we're talking about perceptions, but about how they live. That is why we say that the issue is very emotional and that we have to rationalize around the Basque country. The current achievements have been achieved by the struggle for Euskera, and by the speeches that have linked nationalism and Euskera, that is undeniable, but today these speeches do not help to dismantle and perhaps strengthen certain negative attitudes. That is why we believe that Basque culture should work with speeches and attitudes.

They ask the Administration of Navarra to recognize the official status in its work, but they say that the official status can be left in a second line. Can you explain it? It
is important to explain that the objective of our work is not to analyze how the diffusion of the Basque Country can be increased, but I think we should place special emphasis on the work of attitudes, to see how those of the indifferent group that dominate Navarra can work, because it is more difficult to dismantle the discourse of the opposites.

What can be done to change these attitudes?
Basque culture and Basque nationalism should analyse their speeches and build other keys. Of course, the situations suffered by the Basques have to do with rights, with historical persecution ... But the Basques are also accused of excessive victimisation. If we ask immigrants, it also comes out that we are privileged; when we have covered material needs, we are talking about linguistic rights and we do not see those in a vulnerable situation. So, how do we get to most immigrants? This reflection is taking place within Basque cultural activity. If we want the Basque Country to be of all Navarros, we must give that opportunity, and then we must free it from what is a legitimate national project of nationalist languages.

How do you do it?
The truth is that the two identities of Basque and Spanish nationalism refuse each other to be Navarros or “good Navarros”. For some the Basque is the root of Navarre and for others not. But, of course, Spanish nationalism does not have a democratic attitude towards the Basque country, so it should respect it from a democratic perspective and stop using it as a political weapon.

From nationalism, from Euskaltzalism ... Which group, which party, denies the Spanish to be Navarros?
Asking if they feel Navarros, all the Navarros citizens interviewed, regardless of their ideology, zone, national identity or attitude towards the Basque country, have all told us that they feel Navarros. But if you were wondering what that navarurity is, you would not agree. It is also evident the contempt they feel in the south, as if they were second-class Navarros, they feel “forgotten” by both the administration and the citizens of the other area of Navarra. In the meetings of the Social Forums, Citizen Tables and Youth Groups that we have held in the north of Navarra, we were also recognized and showed some contempt towards the south. As if the fact of being a Navarro vasco-speaker meant “a good navarurity”. We do not say that they refuse to be Navarro, but that on both sides they claim the monopoly of the “good Navarro”.

I am trying to understand where in reality this denial of the Spanish Navarros you refer to, how much it is ... I do not find it fácil.Se it is a sociological study carried out for four years with
citizenship and with different groups. Methodologically, the profiles collected here are multiple in every way. Eusko Ikaskuntza-Sociedad de Estudios Vascos always works with rigor the methodology for its results to have the relevant scientific guarantee and has worked with caution in this caso.Las discrepancies have occurred around some of the reports we have previously published, and now we have also been told that we do not take into account harassment, that we justify Basque attitudes... We would like to make three clear points: one, those that appear in the work are not the opinions of the Promoter Group of this project, but we have only reflected the opinions of the Navarre citizenship. Two, that is not Eusko Ikaskuntza's attitude towards Euskera, because this has not been an investigation into Euskera. And three, in the Basque industry there is a sector that lives all of this with great pain, that pain is legitimate. This research aimed to reflect all attitudes.

The study also addresses the issue of the depoliticization of Euskera. What do you mean? Of
course, the administration must make language policy and promote Basque. We say that Euskera should be left out of the partisans.

At the end of the work, you propose working on mutual knowledge and trust, and for this you make reference to vertical and horizontal movement. Can you explain what they are?
We were with young people in Bera, Comarca of Pamplona and Ribera, and the issue of lack of knowledge and lack of confidence emerged. On the one hand, we perceive the lack of confidence in the Spanish sphere, which believes that the Basque country serves to promote a national project. On the other hand, the lack of knowledge and, on many occasions, a point of disregard towards the south at the top of the Pamplona Basin, including the latter. So when we talk about vertical movement, we are talking about the responsibility of the administration to work cohesion (infrastructure, education...). And horizontal is the relationship to working among citizenship. In the speech there are losers, victors, words like enemies that place us against the other and not next door. We talk about more horizontal conflict management experiences from the field of trust, etc., in the feminist view.