Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

Iñaki Aginaga, 'Bonzo'

Zarata mediatikoz beteriko garai nahasiotan, merkatu logiketatik urrun eta irakurleengandik gertu dagoen kazetaritza beharrezkoa dela uste baduzu, ARGIA bultzatzera animatu nahi zaitugu. Geroz eta gehiago gara, jarrai dezagun txikitik eragiten.

Nabarralde has just published Iñaki Aginaga. The nation (Basque), Luis Mz. Written by Garate. Those of us who have completed a few years have been pleased with the manuscripts of thought hidden by this man charged with mystery. Because, among other ideas, the book also includes Franco's thought about the Basque nation of recent years, Aginaga's ideas from the 1960s until the transition, known as El Bonzo and one of the leaders of the eliadías arising from an ALS split.

At that time, left-wing nationalists, from the Marxist point of view, had to find the right of Euskal Herria to be independent, and Lenin’s writings were essential to design a strategy for the liberation of the Basque nation. In this task, Krutwigen The Basque question, among others, was very timely, but we have learned that Aginaga also worked on this issue.

According to Aginaga, the Basque Country is a prisoner of Spanish and French imperialism and to get rid of it a Basque strategy must be articulated, in no case state, as the Spanish Marxist parties wanted. On the other hand, there must be a single liberation directorate in which the national bourgeoisie, the Basque working class and many other popular classes are integrated. After all, Aginaga proposed the Mao National Front, as some nationalists of the time could defend, but always with doubts, in view of the practice of the PNV.

State parties primed the social revolution and nationalists advocated that national and social freedom is united.

On the other hand, the greatest contribution that the nationalists of that time can make to internationalism would be the national and social liberation of our nation, not the one proposed and defended by the Marxist parties of the state. State parties primed the social revolution and nationalists defended that national and social freedom was united. Also on this issue, Aginaga and leftist nationalists apparently did not have significant differences, although he criticized us with contempt.

Imperialist policy does not exploit only countries outside the West, according to Aginaga. In fact, imperialism derives economic benefits from the extraction of raw materials and the metropolis is experienced, especially the oligarchy of the country, but colonization is also carried out in culture and language. In the case of Euskal Herria, Spanish imperialism is not going to get raw materials out of here, but is imposed, and obviously the metropolis is going to impose language and culture on us as well.

Aginaga talks about the influence of Spanish imperialism on the Basque economy. They were written about the decapitalization that was taking place at that time in the Basque economy, but those of Aginaga were not known. For example, these themes are addressed by Gurutz Antsola or myself, both on the theoretical and empirical side; in addition to the publications, especially in Basque, we held various lectures and seminars at the university and cultural events. Alta, in view of the bibliography used by Aginaga, it seems that he did not know these works. However, we did not have direct knowledge and therefore had no synergies between us.

Aginaga tells us what to do in the elections. It considers that the institutions of Spanish imperialism are legitimised if they participate, but in the union elections, in defence of the Basque working class, it is fair to participate. On this issue I do not think we were very far away.

However, to clarify the mystery that arose around El Bonzo, we should read that book.

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