On March 21, the pastor of Carges died, after nineteen days in a coma. About 4,000 people have gathered around Ajaccio airport for 23 nights to receive and dismiss the body returned to the island. Thousands of people, hundreds of Corsica flags, and silence as the car passes between people. Hundreds also in the 25th for the inhumations.

On 2 March, Yvan Colonna suffered the violent denials and attempts to save another prisoner for eight minutes, until the guards of the prison realized it too late. The phrase Statu francese assassinu is imposed on the island where the right to sovereignty is in a state of bleeding, and the political issue is again put at the forefront.

Not only is the responsibility of the French State warned from the street, but also from the corsica institutions: “The State is primarily responsible, has a heavy responsibility and in many proportions,” said Gilles Simeoni, head of the government of Corsica. The autonomous electorate Colonna is well known for having been a lawyer for years.

The reflex ignited as soon as it was discovered that the settler was between life and death: demonstrations, protests, occupations and blockades multiplied. Many nights in March have been beaten with barricades and Molotov cocktails to accommodate the use of violence. If the actions of the citizens are chosen and looked at, there has been no blunt accusation of habitual violence, and almost all put the steps that the French Government must take on this political issue as a condition for calming the environment first.

In the twenty-second of each month, however, no barricades have been produced. Slowly, from the church of Carges, the funeral bells are opened and the corses are gathered together in hairs to live surrounded by grief and pain. But with the heat of the environment, soon the fire comes back on: At the time of the burial of Cologne, at the CRS police headquarters in Furiani, they sang the hymn of Marsellaise France, in a party atmosphere, and the video of the moment breaks the complaint. This provocation reopened the kale borroka on the weekend. To mark the mourning, the representatives of the French Government described as "error" and "insult" the lowering of flags by the Corsa institution, which was also considered by the nationalists as provocation.

Drama arising from exceptional legislation

The painted Gloria à tè Yvan have covered the walls and there are many made by those who were probably not created in the detention of Colonna. Proof of this are the blockades of schools and colleges on the island. The political conflict is not resolved, although in Paris it does not appear in the priorities.

Colonna was arrested in Olmeto on 4 July 2003 after four years of violence. On 6 February 1998, Claude Erignac made the option of keeping the prefet for shooting and killing. Despite declaring his innocence at all times, he was sentenced to life imprisonment in the 2006, 2009 and 2011 trials. France has refused to comply with the rights and requests for rapprochement with Corsica. The special care status of the DPS prevented him from approaching a prison in Corsica.

On several occasions he requested the deletion of the DPS status, but always receiving the refusal to pay. Finally, to calm the atmosphere, Prime Minister Jean Castex approved on 8 March the abolition of status due to his serious state of health. Many considered it a “provocation” when the decision to remove the DPS and keep it in prison was in coma. It should be noted that this decision was taken by Emmanuel Macron, or more specifically by the president’s cabinet director. He runs Cabinet Patrick Strzoda, who was also prefect of Corsica between 2011 and 2013, "judge and match at the same time," according to Cologne attorney.

"Outside the law, the decision has been channelled by the politician" in the case of the three prisoners for the death of Prefect Erignac, according to the lawyer. Finally, the French Government has announced that Pierre Alessandri and Alain Ferrandi, who are in jail for the same matter, will be removed from DPS status and approached the Corsika "before the summer".

Colonna has always fought for the recognition of guilt, but has not been recognized. Because the presumption of goodness was not respected, he also went to the European Court of Human Rights in 2013, which rejected the request.

On 16 March, Interior Minister Gerard Darmanin visited the island and made it public “open to dialogue”. Nationalists have three demands: “Truth and justice” in relation to the attack of Cologne; “the steps to enter a new era” in relation to the political issue of all political prisoners; and the dialogue about the institutional knowledge of Corsica –“[Corsika] autonomy has great support today; the question is not about that legal or political instrument, it is a real question what elements this autonomy will have... or because we can get into the central status of Narchristophe With just ten days of French presidency, there is no doubt that the chair of the president influences this issue. Angelini says: “We need a real peace process, not just a pre-election dialogue.”

Macron's contempt as a compost of anger

Although the question of Corsika’s sovereignty remains unresolved, it has not long been on the Paris political agenda, at least outside the elections. Moreover, in his documentary L´agression d´Yvan Colonna embraces the Corse ("Attacking Yvan Colonna") Macron’s “contempt” for the Corsics since his arrival in power in 2017. One year after his appointment as President, he made a visit to the island and its neighbour organized in detail, and although the roadmap was fixed between the two parties, it went beyond what was agreed and appeared in the memory of the 20 years since the death of Prefect Erignac with Jean-Pierre Chevenement, former Minister of the Interior in 1998. It was a gritty fact: “The message was not well received, now pays the reward of the attitude of synonymous and rejection of a new era that was not, in the words of journalist Roulot.

The last institutional step was taken by the president of the left, François Hollande, in 2015, opening the way for the creation of a Corsica Territorial College with special status for 2018. The Abertzale coalition Pè a Corsica defeated for the first time a month after Macron became president, with 45.36% of the votes in the first round, to which only 6.69% of Rinnovu must be added. The coalition has five demands: the approximation of political prisoners and subsequent amnesty; the co-ordinality of the corsa; the inclusion of Corsica in the French Constitution; the resident status, which states that he has resided in Corsica for at least five years in order to buy a home, and a strong autonomy status. But Macron is still sterile. Nationalists remain the first force today, relocating in 2021. In recent times no aggregates have been submitted and the four Basque lists have achieved 57.77%, seven more points than in 2017. In fact, there is division between nationalists, whether autonomous, independent or on the level of autonomy.

It seems that in recent days the lines have moved: Minister Darmanin is committed to talking autonomously and to working “a first project to be negotiated by the end of 2022”. Macron has also opened the doors to constitutional reform, necessary to channel autonomy. Simeoni described Darmanin’s words as “the first historic step”, stressing the need to “end the fifty year conflict”.

Since 1768 the island has been dependent on France. The first beats of modern corso nationalism emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Since the 1970s, the conflict has hardened by creating armed groups and at the same time, increasing repression. They formed the FLNC independence armed group in 1976, which lasted until 2014. Although since the 1980s Corsica has gained its own institutions and responsibilities, it has never acquired the independence or autonomy required by the Mayorí a.El
March 16, the FLNC re-launches a manifesto warning that if the French Government continues “elkor”, “today’s street struggles can become a false night tomorrow.” A new chapter opens without seeing the evolution of Corsica’s political reality.