Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

Noam Chomsky: A gentle Brazilian blow will open waves in the world

  • On Sunday, the Vitorians confronted Brazilians in the struggle to win the Crown on 28 occasions. Jair Bolsonaro, “Brazil and God above all”, versus Fernando Haddad, “The People Happy Again”. Bolsonaro had an army general as the second chief, the shadow of the legendary Lula da Silva, a prisoner of Haddad and who could die as a prisoner. The 2007 crisis has not yet explained all the conclusions to the experts who look astonishingly from all over the world at Brazil. Here we summarize the prudent analysis of Noam Chomsky.
“Todo Noticias” argentinarraren webgunetik hartutako argazkian, Jair Bolsonaro Lula presidente ohia preso irudikatzen duen panpinarekin jolasean bere jarraitzaileen aitzinean Brasilian hauteskunde kanpainako mitinean, Latino Amerikako gobernu aurrerakoien
“Todo Noticias” argentinarraren webgunetik hartutako argazkian, Jair Bolsonaro Lula presidente ohia preso irudikatzen duen panpinarekin jolasean bere jarraitzaileen aitzinean Brasilian hauteskunde kanpainako mitinean, Latino Amerikako gobernu aurrerakoien heriotza irudikatzen. Bere burua “establishment”-aren etsaitzat erakusten duen Bolsonaro militar ohia 1991tik dago Brasilgo parlamentuan.

This is how Jair Bolsonaro spoke to the thousands of citizens gathered in his favor on 21 October: “We are the real Brazil. They lost yesterday, lost in 2015 and will lose again. But the next cleaning will be much deeper. These red waste will be expelled from our homeland. Brazil will no longer be the band that carries the red ikurrina and the indoctrinated brain. Lula da Silva, if you expect Haddad to become president and induce you, I will tell you: you will rot in jail. Do you think it's all over? It's going to be a different cleanup than Brazil had seen in its history. You will see a civilian and military police and a fair arsenal to break the back of [the reds]. The criminals of the Landless Movement MST, the golfers of the Homeless Workers Movement MTST: we will consider your actions as terrorism. They will not be afraid again in the villages or in the cities.” These are selected phrases from a 7-minute conference.

To understand the evolution of the years of Brazil after Lula's death, and to explain the need to choose one of the published scientific analyses, we have resorted to a currency that is not annulled: Noam Chomsky (United States, 1928).

The giant Chomsky and his wife Valeria, who summarizes the Wikipedia in Basque “linguist, philosopher, cognitive scientist and activist”, have just visited Lula in Curitiba prison to publish it as follows: “I have visited Lula, the most famous political prisoner in the world. A ‘sweet’ coup in Brazil will affect everyone.” From here, the selected paragraphs of Chomsky's article from The Intercept, some literally, others summarized.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is in prison until his death, isolated, without the right to press, with a single weekly visit. In 1926, Mussolini condemned Antonio Gramsci to survive in a similar way, through the words of the prosecutor: “We must stop your brain from working in the next 20 years.”

Lula, who would also win in fair elections, was going to be the most popular candidate in recent days, but it is not the one chosen by plutocracy. Although he adapted his policies to the desires of Brazilian and international finances, the elites despise in part for their policies and aids to the poor, but also for the hatred of the class: how are we going to allow a poor worker, who has no higher education or higher education to speak

Bolsonaro, for his part, is a clear admirer of the military dictatorship, ready to restore order. It appears as a new man who will tear down the corrupt establishment, to which so many Brazilian people hate. It is a reaction to the neoliberal attacks of previous generations, as in many other parts of the world. And what will it do when power comes?

Bolsonaro’s economic leader, Paolo Guedes, has unequivocally announced it: the solution is to “privatize everything”, all of Brazil’s infrastructures, to pay public debt. Everything, to the point where the country becomes a toy for banks and the rich. Guedes knows what this is about, he has worked for several years in the Chile of Pinochet, a smart student from the neoliberal school in Chicago, Chicago boy.

Pinochet is not far away

We must remember – Chomsky always speaks – what neoliberalism in Chicago has provoked in Chile. The 1973 military coup opened the way for opponents with torture and terror. The experiment was supervised by major economists in Chicago, with the support of the United States and international financial and business institutions. At first they applauded the experience, then the silence.

By 1982, the Chicago boys brought Chile's economy to the river and the state had to take over much of its economy, bigger than in Allende's time. Even when the economy has risen, it suffers considerably from the consequences of the disaster, health, education, etc.

On the return to Brazil, the preponderance of the financial sector in the economy must be taken into account. According to economist Ladislau Dowor (A was an improper capital), since Brazil entered a recession in 2014, large banks have increased their profits by between 25% and 30%: the higher the bank’s yield, the lower the economy, “the financial intermediaries do not feed production, but punish it”. That's what drowns the Brazilian economy in recession, not big social spending or corruption.

Joseph Stiglitz says the phenomenon is from all over the world, that banks injected the first money into companies, today they just take the money away from them. The attack by the neoliberals has transformed socio-economic policy: wealth is heavily concentrated in the hands of a few, while the majority is blocked, social benefits are reduced and the functioning of democracy is weakened, economic power is increasingly concentrated, in the hands of predatory financial institutions.

That is what fuels people’s resentment, outrage and contempt for governments in a large part of the world, which often, “wrongly”, Chomsky underscores, is called populism.

In economic recessions, delays in the resolution of the institutions have already brought in Brazil – with the intervention of EE.UU – coups d’état, and there is no reason why the one who lives there since 2013 should call a sweet coup d’état. The former financially focused elites, with the help of a large media concentration, started the campaign when Rousseff tried to limit extremely high interest rates to lower levels, which is dangerous for the few who played in the financial markets.

In the 2018 campaign corruption has been a constant, with the participation of the Lula de los Trabajadores (PT) Party. Corruption has really happened, but using PT as a hell's devil is an instrumentalization. The corruption that has arisen is no more than the peak of the iceberg, because most of the corruption is legal and the largest is that carried out by multinationals from developed countries.

The Curitiba is the most famous political prisoner in the isolated world to carry out a sweet coup, which will have serious consequences both for Brazilian society and for many other places in the world. The reader will already know if someone has taken over the forces of the barrier for the black wave.


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