Mohammed Mahmud and Issah Naziru came from Ghana. In the talk they offered in May in the San Diego neighborhood of Gros, they talked about their experience and our false beliefs. "Everyone in our country doesn't want to come here, there are people who live well there," said Nineveh, who was grateful. "You think that to travel from Africa to here, we are the richest. "If I were rich, I would live in my country," Mahmud said. Nazi explained the pain of moving away from the family: "I haven't seen my parents for five years. My mother once told me on the phone: "I don't know when I'll see you again. You know where I am, but I do not know where you are. And life is not in our hands, we can die at any time. If with all that inside, they come here and they fascinate you more, it's very hard.

Anaitze Agirre has been a member of SOS Racism Larreta for years and is currently immersed in the Irun Reception Network. It warns that our global vision of migration is highly distorted: "We pick up the 'Everyone Comes Here' speech, and that's not true. Most migrations in Africa occur from south to south, not from south to north. In Africa, people move and stay very easily between countries. Then, when you start migrating and you change your migratory project, people go further north and some start thinking about how to go to Europe. Some had Europe as their goal from the start, but others did not." He says that this sexist imaginary, that men migrate and women wait, is a myth. "In general, 50% of migrants are women and 50% are men. But for example, most African women migrate from south to south. Travel to the north is much more demanding for women in general. Let us not think, as the stereotype says, that all women have come together with man. There are women who come alone and with their own migratory project".

Why do we have such a wrong perception of migration reality? Agirre continues: "A couple of years ago the Spanish Interior Minister said: '300,000 Africans are waiting for Europe'. Institutions and governments often make interested use of data. What do they do it for? Create alarm, scare society and justify migratory policies of a certain kind. They invade us, they come in the wave, they're a lot...'If we think, maybe we accept it with ease. 'We have to put a great barrier in Melilla, we have to give money to Morocco and Turkey to stop that, and to those who die in the Mediterranean Sea.. what we are going to do, we cannot take all of them'.Oier González is a street educator who is immersed in a series of projects with young Maghreb people living in the street. He himself says that the feeling of "invasion" does not correspond to reality: "Guggenheim Bilbao Museum received 445,147 visitors in June and July and August. In the same period San Juan de Gaztelugatxe 235.000. We don't take that as an invasion. In contrast, in this period, the Basque Red Cross served on 3,881 occasions migrants of foreign origin. During the summer, 45 people arrived in Donostia-San Sebastian on Red Cross buses and 45 others in Bilbao. And we take that as an invasion. Who is interested in seeing tourism based on the numbers cited as a physical invasion and seeing the arrival of others as invasive when it is unwise compared to them? A tourist going through here, what economy does he create, and what economy does he create that is willing to work here, from the point of view of sustainability? The Employment Advisor has just said that we need these people demographically."

Agirre recalled data from the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), as a sign of the decline in migration to Europe: "In 2015, by sea, one million people arrived in Europe. In 2016, it was 262,000. 101,000 people in 2017. This year, 46,000 people. UNHCR has reported that 27,000 people have arrived by sea in southern Spain through the Transport Channel. This figure is ridiculous for a country of 47 million people. And why has the number of arrivals to Europe decreased so much by sea? By outsourcing borders. Turkey and Morocco are doing that dirty work now." But has this summer not reached more migrants than ever to the Basque Country? Agirre explained that "Italy has closed the main access to the Mediterranean. The passage from Morocco to Spain in the south has been reinforced again this Saturday afternoon. Have you come more to Euskal Herria? Perhaps yes, due to the change of track, in summer time accompanies..." Gonzalez says that although the number of people who have arrived this summer is similar to that of previous years, this year they have become more visible: "Quite rightly, the young Maghreb people around me are angry: they have been living on the street for years. The number of young people between the ages of 18 and 19 living on the street in Donostia-San Sebastián is around 40 people. And this summer, all of a sudden, the issue has begun to move. Why? Image of invasion. It is not because they have come much more, but because the arrivals have become much more spectacular. A covered reality has crashed amid the overflow of resources that has occurred in southern Spain. They used to come here informally, each on their own, to the family -- now on the bus they're all brought together, at once. Agirre has raised an uncomfortable question about the ignited solidarity: "Would it have been the same for the Maghreb as for the Gypsies? Among migrants, society has a more positive perception of blacks. Solidarity has also been the result of all the images we have seen for years in Europe on the issue of refugees."

What does the issue of migrants highlight?

What is pointing to us that since 2015 is called the "refugee crisis"? First, Agirre asks to take care of the terminology: "It says 'the drama of immigration', and no, it is a drama, so it would be more accurate to say 'the drama of immigration policies'. Or 'the refugee crisis' is not true, it's 'the refugee policy crisis in Europe'." Iñigo Santxo, member of ongi Etorri Errefuxiatuak, is located in Bilbao from the moment of its constitution in the Citizen Welcome Network. It has focused on the causes of migration: "The crisis is not that of refugees, what is in crisis is the capitalist system. Capitalism drives imperialism for regeneration, expropriates countries... and as a result, people feel compelled to act away from their peoples and families. It's not a new phenomenon, it's been historically repeated in different eras and not just in Africa. Migratory flows are 'natural' in the capitalist system. Gonzalez denounces the return of "slavery": "Once a 19-year-old from Ghana explained it very well to me. '200 years ago, smugglers came to our countries to abduct us and take our slaves to America. Today we go out to enslave ourselves in Europe.' What is the limit? In the capitalist system of production, a means of control and classification.

The border regulates the transit of people, defines “who” and “how” is “where”. In this process, vulnerable and dependent people arrive here, without rights. The border creates the conditions for a cheap and dominated labor force, to provide the productive system that generates the same conditions that encourage leaving the place of origin".

Migration policy guarantees manual work for the black economy. This conclusion can be inferred, since the only way to obtain residence permits for people without papers is to certify three years of residence. Aratz Estonba and Garbiñe Gómez, members of the Laia law firm, have explained this to us: "It's absurd. When they give them their consent they say: aupa txapeldun, you have managed to spend three years working hidden without being captured by the police. Prize! How does a 21-year-old manage to spend three years? We all know what happens." He added that, in addition to businessmen, speculators also have a tremendous bargain in renting out the paperless: "Each one is charged 300 euros, and if 15 people live on the floor... and without tax return, of course. In the media, it says 'kick weight', but why don't they point to their owner? ".

Another issue that has brought to light the issue of migrants, crossing the Basque Country

It's the border between Spain and France that it has. Estonba strongly denounces: "We are normalizing a border that, according to the authorities, does not seem to be there," added lehendakari. And let us not forget that in the European Union traffic is free! It is a tremendous contradiction that 'hot returns' are made at that border from one European state to another! Let them accept that there are limits, or if the movement is free, it is free for everyone." Police in both states have explained that migrants' hot potatoes are being exchanged: "France, instead of returning migrants to their country of origin, brings them to the border. Many times, when they enter the mole and reach Hendaia, they are received by the Spanish police. A dossier of dismissal is opened and the Spanish police tell the migrant: You have six months to try again. If you get caught again when you review, throw out this paper.' They also give them advice. If you're going to spend the night... As long as the police act illegally, Attorney Gomez warns of the risk of solidarity becoming a crime: "If you catch us crossing the Irun Bridge with migrants who are our clients or friends, you can accuse us of a human trafficking crime." González recalled the knowledge and experience accumulated by Euskal Herria along the border: "This is a subject that allows us to recover the practices and networks of solidarity that exist at the border. But solidarity will become more and more difficult.

Travel through the laws

Attorney Estonba explained the path the State has prepared for those who access Spanish lands: "After being served by the Red Cross, detainees are made available to the Spanish National Police. The police identify them, take away their passport and open them an administrative file. A dossier is opened because it seems to the police that it has come in an irregular way, but that may not be the case, the presumption of innocence must be kept. When the dossier was opened, there was a time when everyone was directly tested that the same thing was going to be noticed by measuring the bones (nothing has been seen in recent months). If a person has a passport, performing bone tests is illegal because he or she has documentation indicating who he or she is and how old she is. Once the dossier is opened, people usually stay on the red street. You can sleep at the headquarters of the Red Cross for the first three days, but then you go to the street." The administrative file may last for a maximum of six months. The newcomer must submit arguments, justifying that his/her entry into Spanish territory has not been irregular and that he/she complies with the requirements established by law to obtain resident authorization. On many occasions, migrants do not comply with the legal requirements for granting residence permits. The only alternative remaining in these cases is the one already mentioned: Endure three years clandestine and resume legal obtaining of resident authorization after three years. In order to obtain the authorisation, a report must be submitted, i.e. proof that he has been living in the authorisation for three years. For this purpose, the administrative file opened by the police before his arrival in the State indicated the date of his arrival. Also register to indicate the beginning of your period of residence. In addition, taking courses, participating in various dynamics ... all of this must be documented, as at the same time, being in hiding, they would send it if it were captured by the police. Contradictory demands, of course.

The path that political asylum seekers have to take is another: to show that they come from a country at war or that they are at risk. These cases are led by CEAR and must meet very strict requirements: they do not have the right to work, they have to participate in various courses and programs... Most of those who can seek asylum opt for this path, but they have their own risk. This is what Estonba explains: "If you are denied asylum and you are sought in the country of origin, then deportation comes. It may happen that in the event of a denial of asylum Spain opens an expulsion procedure and leaves it in the street, so, like the rest of adults without papers, it has to start a three-year journey in secrecy".

The third way to obtain the residence permit is for minors. Estonba explained that "in the case of these, it would be enough to go anywhere in the administration and say: 'I'm a minor, here's my passport.' They should automatically take him to a child care center. If they remain under supervision for six months in Member States, they may already apply for residence permits. But for four or five years it has been the case that the police have kidnapped minors' passports and turned the passport into evidence of a crime because they are accused of having false documents." So they question whether he's a minor, and they test them that he's a bone. Estonba has questioned the following tests: "It is scientifically accepted that the bone test is not objective: the pattern of comparison is that of Caucasian men, a man or an African woman will not meet the same pattern. That is what the World Health Organization says! And it's very invasive: in addition to the wrist, they look at the teeth, the testicles or the vulgo to see the development -- it evokes the era of slavery." The age of these minors has been questioned, so they are no longer the responsibility of the Council and remain on the streets. Gómez denounces the actions of the Diputación: "It's very serious. The foral law of Gipuzkoa says that minors must be protected, and in practice we see that the police enter the centers managed by the Provincial Council without judicial authorization, which carry out irregular consultations with minors without the educators being in front... and the Provincial Council does nothing to prevent them. We are also engaged in this judicial struggle for the Deputy to regain the guardianship of these minors."

Naziru is one of the people who has experienced this situation [in the video above you can see his testimony]: "I used to have my country's passport, which I had taken out at the embassy. A week after arriving at the Donostia-San Sebastian Children's UBA Center, the Spanish Police came to the center and took my passport, saying it was counterfeited. I spent the night at the police station and the next day we went to court with the lawyer. The judge said: the police say that this young man does not look as old as the passport says and that on the face he does not have the mark he has in the passport photo, but I think he does, he seems to be that age and has that mark. He told me I could go back to the UBA, but I would send the passport to the embassy to show me if it was true. We have been waiting eight months and from the embassy we have received a letter saying it was true. I have not yet been given a passport back. At UBA there is everything, there are workers who do it well. They didn't treat me well. I'm sure it was they who called the police to get me.

Mahmud also knows what this catastrophe is: "That day I was on Arrasate Street. They came to ask me for my passport. The head of the children's residence knew what was going on, because they called him asking about my passport, but he told me nothing. I handed the passport over to the cops and in five minutes I was told it was fake. A few days later, in class, I went to search for myself by the police. They put the wives on me, and that's where the whole story began. We've been in trials for two years -- it's been hard. We fought and we got the judges to tell us that the passport was not fake, that I was a minor.

Solution: equal rights for all

Estonba points out that the first step to the solution is to accept reality: "We're expelling people from their countries. The only solution is to stop stealing other countries. Until this utopia arrives, the solution is to recognize that there are migratory flows. In parliaments, in municipalities, there are no offices for immigrants. Why not? ". Agirre has claimed what the Irun Reception Network has called for from the outset: "A dignified and integral welcome. In practice we have shown that this is possible. And that's not the administration doing. Otherwise, we wouldn't make meals, we wouldn't manage clothes, we wouldn't create patient tracking teams." Santxo stressed that the objective of the Bilbao Citizen Reception Network is achievable: "If the popular movement has the capacity to develop a comprehensive welcome with its scarce resources, taking into account the public money and the resources of the institutions, with the NGOs of the surrounding area, in contact with organized citizenship... with will, it would be very easy to make Bilbao a Host City".

The Administration disconnects migrants in the distribution of resources, according to the casuistry: refugees asylum seekers, minors, "in temporary transit", children and women in vulnerable situations... Gonzalez feels "terrible." "It's classifying misery, to give some to each other a little more. The reasons for migrating are multiple and all legitimate. The fundamental basis is the right to a good life. And who are subjects of rights? All individuals. Especially when our well-being is built upon the misery of others. That's what migrants are showing us all the time." Agirre also the person solution

He said it was a refuge for all, without classifications: "What you have to do is look for the solution for all the people who live on the street. We do not ask for special rights for anyone, not even for migrants. On the contrary, what we are asking for is equal rights, and what we need is for everyone. With so many people in Irun, there are still no hostels for those who live on the street." Estonba has also called for comprehensive policies: "That all those who were born in Ghana or in the Donostia district of Bidebieta, aged 16 and a half, should have the same rights. Why has everything been sectorized? ". Gomez agrees that all rights should be for everyone, but he has called for special protection for minors.

... and solidarity is born.

This summer the Citizen Welcoming Networks were created in Bilbao, Donostia-San Sebastián and Irun. Santxo explains the birth of Bilbao: "We started on June 28, by chance. A member of the Ongi Etorri group detected a bus of 40 migrants in the city center. In fact, the Spanish Red Cross has to coordinate buses with the Euskadi Red Cross, to search the station and transfer migrants to the Red Cross devices. But there was no one from the Red Cross there, there were 40 people adrift. This is a situation that has occurred on more than one occasion in Bilbao. This colleague spoke to several Welcome people and on the boat soon we decided to launch the first reception dynamic." The newcomers opened a space in the self-managed area of Karmela to ensure basic living conditions and called on citizens to bring food and clothing, to make shifts... The following day, they asked the City Council of Bilbao for a meeting to discuss the situation and the resources that the Municipality was going to set in motion. The institutional response was the result of activated citizen solidarity: in two days the Red Cross opened a device for 44 people on General Concha Street, "but it did not respond to the needs that existed. Therefore, we had to implement our mechanisms to meet these needs and turn them into a pressure mechanism," Santxo explained.

Agirre has also defined as "improvised, by chance" the creation of Irun's Reception Network: "We started in mid-July, because about twenty people had been in the station for 15 days and we took to the street. Nobody listened to them, as if they did not exist! "Here these people are in a situation of exclusion, besides you can't cross the border and you'll have to do something," we think. At 00:00 p.m. they received members of various associations (SOS Racism, Ongi Etorri Errefuxiatuak, other Irun associations... ) Decision: the following day a solidary breakfast would be made. Said and done. The next morning they went to the station, they proposed it to those present and among them they took breakfast at the City Hall door. It had a huge impact on the media. From that moment onwards and throughout the summer, Agirre has assured that the City Hall’s performance has always been the same: "The City Hall does appear and does things, but always after the popular initiative, improvised, and discretionally (depending on when and when not)."

The Citizen Welcoming Networks that have been set up in Bilbao, Donostia-San Sebastián and Irun, are very clear that the responsibility for welcoming lies with public institutions and that the citizen network is not intended to replace them. Aguirre: "In the Reception Network we are working on land for institutions to use energy and information first hand to improve reception and to make a truly dignified and comprehensive reception." Santxo has thus defined the objective of the Bilbao network: "We do not attend, for us, welcoming is a political act, a disobedient input, an act of political disobedience. We do what the institutions should do, but the aim is to make it a mechanism of pressure. That is why we mobilize, promote socialization and awareness". The evolution of the Bilbao Citizen Welcoming Network is an example of this vocation to press: "The Ongi Etorri group took on the dynamic of political hosting during the first 15 days of its journey, but within the group we discussed functions and decided to focus on political functions through denunciation, awareness-raising and political-institutional interpellation. And on the other hand, if the neighborhoods wanted to carry out the political reception that Ongi Etorri has done so far, it would be in their hands. We got in touch with the neighbors of Atxuri, and this is how the jump to the logic of the Host Neighborhoods took place. Since then it has traveled three neighborhoods, Atxuri, Bilbao la Vieja and Santutxu. It has served to sensitize and extend the pressure to the neighborhoods."

To enforce their responsibility to the institutions, both in Bilbao and in Donostia and Irun, the condition that migrants must fulfill is that before starting to use the resources of the Citizen Welcome Network they take advantage of all the options of the Red Cross: sleeping as many nights as possible, using food cards…

Not assistentialism. Developing self-organization tools

The Citizen Welcoming Networks have made it possible to share some moments of life with newcomers. What kind of relationship to establish between them? Agirre states that it is essential to be aware of ethnocentrism: "We want to separate ourselves from charity. We have a paternalistic and victimizing tendency, and it is a phrase that I repeat: it has made half a world, it has exceeded a lot of limits, the police... it develops better than we do. But working is not too much, we have been educated in ethnocentrism, and we perceive ourselves in the north and in the white, and we perceive others born of sick, black and 'backward' countries." He keeps a critical eye on Lakaxita’s day-to-day life, but stresses that if it is balanced, the positive side has been much heavier: - It is terrible how much has been done in such a short time and how well they have come out! We need training or unified criteria, but in everyday life there has been no time to do it."

Santxo explains his work in the Bilbao Citizen Reception Network: "From the beginning we were clear that the dynamic had to be horizontal and that we had to end the power relations white, heterosexual and clasile. From the beginning we have organized ourselves in an assembly, knowing that undoing power is a process, which is not done overnight. Becoming aware, we've been taking steps." He has reported that the first assemblies were "quite catastrophic": "For lack of habit, for tiredness, because they had a long trip, because we did it too late -- they had very little participation. Now we celebrate the assembly before dinner, it's more efficient, and participation is high. And now it's the migrants who organize cooking and cleaning shifts." He explained that volunteers carry out "accompaniments" in many of the areas that require a comprehensive reception: Spanish courses, accompanying the doctor (he explained that public health workers are aware of the way), accompaniment to the request for asylum and legal assistance, but the latter through personal experiences; migrants who have been here for more years have experience in the role and share their experience: "The objective is that the accompaniment should also be carried out by the migrants. Solidarity between them is a way of exercising itself in practice. It is a step that we are gradually taking to dismantle power and break the logic of dependency."

In Irun, working groups have been organized to respond to the needs of everyday life: the reception and information group turns around the street every day, to see if new people have arrived in the city, and to inform them about their possibilities. There is also a cooking, health monitoring, clothing, communication and language learning group. 125 citizens are working on this dynamic, and Agirre has put other forms of participation in value: "There are a lot of people who give clothes or money. People move, each in the way they participate." Irun also promotes the self-management of migrants: "We are trying to integrate the people who have been living in Irun for some time in all the Lakaxita working groups. That is standardisation and equal participation. In addition, it is much more effective to go to the reception with a black. When they're around us, they're curling, and our first word is, "We're not policemen."

González explains how relations with migrants are constructed: "The key is in meeting, understanding, understanding and listening, always. The difference between the administration and the grass-roots movement is that the administration limits its action to the formal framework, while the grass-roots movement overcomes it and is based on the relationship. We are talking about life and you cannot divide a person according to office hours. The real encounter influences you, makes you think how you are and how you have been built, and from there comes a real exchange. The key is to bring together different lives and build a framework for this to happen. Donostia's Txantxerreka can be an example."

Homes to sleep three nights and charity business

The Red Cross manages the temporary emergency reception services of the Basque Government. At the CAPV there are 213 places: 88 in Bilbao, 35 in Vitoria, 30 in San Sebastian and 60 in Irun. Gonzalez denounces that the Administration, through this private foundation, has externalized the responsibility of caring for migrants: "This is an operation that responds to the logic of the privatization of social services. Management should be public. We know what privatisation means, the minimum cost and zero liability. At the same time, the Red Cross has been "vigilant" in criticizing and publicly denouncing situations. Self-control predominates".

Public institutions have established a criterion that newly arrived migrants cannot spend more than three nights in residences run by the Red Cross. Due to pressure from the popular movement, the deadline was extended to five nights in August, but Santxo has denounced that they did not reach five nights in Bilbao. Now, the institutions have reduced their stay again to three nights. Santxo has put on the table the contradiction caused by this rule: "We know that all Red Cross beds have rarely been occupied in Bilbao. Data for the week of 27 August are very significant:Between 20 and 30 people visited the headquarters of the Red Cross, which has a space for 88 people, and in the Karmela, managed by the Citizen Welcoming Network, between 120 and 145 people attended dinner and sleep. They prefer the Red Cross beds to be empty than the person who has been three days can spend the fourth night, the fifth, the sixth." Agirre says it happens like in Irun: "It was the days when sixteen people slept in Lekaenea, managed by the Red Cross, and fifteen in the gaztetxe Lakaxita, under awe. It says that winter is the horizon, which can be tremendous, of three days: "People are going to keep coming. Will we leave them in the street during the winter, while the beds are free? ".

In the case of passersby, is it enough five days to reach the peoples of the north? Gonzalez says it may be enough for some and not for others: That's what the newcomer has to say. Are you wondering? What are your wishes? The person who has suffered very violent experiences lands in Spain and a week later is in Donostia-San Sebastián. Completely lost. Those five days of madness, of elemental survival, may or may not be useful for breathing. Santxo insists that these days are not enough: "They also need time to prepare the trip: how they are going to move, look for a decent job to make money little by little and pay the trip, if they are going to contact the family that is further north, if the family has money, wait for it to be sent..." In Irun it's where transit is best known. Agirre counts as follows: "On the right track, our relationship with every migrant in Lakaxita is for very few days. But we're seeing that the one who's walking along also needs more than five days. Why? Because the border is closed. There are people who have tried to cross the border four times and returned it four times. Despite being trapped in Baiona or Bordeaux, they have brought others to Irun...".

The migrants who head to Irun aim to cross the border: "Most people come from West Africa, they're French-speakers because they were a colony and they have community in France. They want to get there, or rather to the north, because the living conditions are better. Of those who have spent the whole summer, there are four or five who intend to stay in Irun. But they must also be solved. On the contrary, among those arriving in Bilbao, the number of people who decide to stay is much higher. Santxo warned that "it is they that the institutions forget in their speeches". The number of people seeking political asylum is increasing. And people who have been in Bilbao for a month without applying for asylum are slowly settling in Bilbao. Their intention was to reach Europe, and once that has been achieved, each one has to renew their reflection and some decide to stay in Bilbao because they are satisfied, because there is a strong African community that has its own network, because there is a very precarious labor insertion...".

Much achieved, more tasks

Agirre explains the achievement of these months of the Irun Reception Network: "A lot of people have gone through the gaztetxe, if not, it would not have happened otherwise. What has been created here is very special. There are people of all kinds, ages (20 years to retirees), origin, ideology -- that's a bomb and it works. 90 percent of us are women, most of us. What is said from feminism, that you have to put life at the center and make politics from there, is doing it in this experience." He stressed that for many years he has provided lessons to the associations working on the subject of migrants: "Mobilization has been created spontaneously and collectively among citizens, it has not been a planned initiative of associations. Both are needed, sustainable working groups, but also initiatives that encourage the participation of so many people. If we hadn't had breakfast, where would we be? If, as always, we had convened a press conference to read a manifesto and ask for a meeting with the social affairs councillor, would there be so many people involved in the work? I enjoy it. I'm completely loaded with batteries, in love with initiative." Gonzalez has also valued emotions: "As left-wing and Abertzale, perhaps an emotion has been awakened that we had half off in recent years, I see people motivated in everyday practice. The shake that that produces, to think about who we are, is big. It also creates opportunities for solidarity. The starting point of repression is changing color, and it can be a new space to articulate the knowledge and practices offered by our militant trajectory. Another opportunity to build bridges."

Santxo says that the dynamics of the Reception Networks have served to dismantle the clasile, heteropatriarchal and racist values that we have interiorized: "Talking to migrants and listening to their internal stories speeds up this process of dismantling," added the Guindos Chancellor. He explained that it was the first time he had participated in popular movements for many people and that it served to raise awareness of reality: "Today there is a very widespread middle-class ideal, which we live in an egalitarian society, where all rights are guaranteed, which is not a racist society... in practice we see no. Feeling part of the project has been satisfaction, a little pride. People are empowered and know that they are opposing normative power and that they are acting in the logic that is situated in popular power".

The Citizen Welcoming Networks that have flourished this summer already have work in the course that has just begun. From the daily dynamic of Lakaxita, for Agirre the week of the holidays is unknown: "We want to organize the work and the working groups, so that each one can organize their course, depending on their time and possibilities. The month of August has been important to stabilize the group, as people were freer. From now on? We will see what will happen. Santxo announces that with the beginning of the course the time will come to incorporate the Bilbao initiative into a new phase: "It was the first phase of ongi etorri, it is the second phase of the dynamics of the Host Neighborhoods, and we are preparing another phase that will increase tension, generating more urban conflict, but maintaining the insubordinate logic of self-managed political hosting. It has to do with the implementation of the right to live and work." Gonzalez looks at the medium term: "What resources can we generate in the Basque Country, for example, from the transformative social economy, to generate economy? There are experiences: Alencop in Barcelona, Scrap Collection Cooperative or Diomcoop, Mobile Sales Cooperative, in collaboration with the Barcelona City Hall". Back to Euskal Herria, he recalled the work being done in Buruntzaldea: "Local government, CAPV employment services and third sector associations have begun to offer professional integration pathways, to promote the creation of cooperatives... There's structure and will."