"Opponents of abortion want to impose their decision on society"
- Elisa Sesma was a pioneer gynecologist in Navarra on the subject of abortion. Together with his colleagues Pablo Sanchez-Valverde and Mari Cruz Landa, the defendant had to endure pressure from the Christian sectors and the right to sit on the bench of the defendants. Now, more than three decades later, they have received recognition from the City Council of Pamplona, through the scarf of the city. And they wanted to extend the exhibition to Andraiz, the sexual and reproductive health center of the Txantrea, the engine and the primary responsible for the accomplishments.
You made the first public health abortion Navarra.La decriminalization of
abortion occurred in August 1985, in the Spanish State, under three conditions, and shortly after, in October, a case appeared. They started calling people willing to make that abortion, but they all said no, they objected to it. [Navarra] In the hospital I was the only one who did not object.
The environment didn't lurk you awes.Las women we
had been claiming a free, free and safe abortion for ten years. So if in a moment, professionally, you think you can do it, you decide to do it; it's an ethical decision. At that time, I was unable to foresee the climate of contradiction that was coming. Today, and after what has happened, I would think twice.
“Elisa Sesma, legal killer.” Leaflets appeared on the streets of Pamplona/Iruña.
The campaign against us was tough, to discredit us, and in the hospital we were not given anything easy. The limits of the objection were not clear and was objected by many people, for reasons that I would not be able to do today.
The trial came later, for an abortion in 1986. For you, they came to apply for a 12-year prison sentence. I
experienced it with anguish and astonishment: we did an abortion in public health, fulfilling all the conditions, facing a clear risk of malformation, and Acción Familiar led us to the trial, saying that we had practiced an illegal abortion. The trial was held in 1990 and the prosecution expert eventually dismantled the trial, admitting that there had been a risk of malformation. I knew we were in the jopunga, but we had the support of a lot of left-wing, feminist groups -- and I felt overwhelmed.
You aborted for two years in public health, but the road was over.
The 1985 law was for children: all -- judges, doctors -- decided for women. We strictly complied with the law, because it allowed abortion in the face of the risks of malformation. But it was such pressure, that in the end we went to the administration, saying that there were no conditions for abortion in the public network. It was in 1987 that it ceased to be realized: The Government of Navarra decided to recruit private clinics outside Navarre, and that is what has been done in the last 30 years.
How do lobbyists influence this?
I can understand that a woman, despite an unwanted pregnancy, goes ahead, and I can understand the same thing she decides to abort. These are personal and respectable decisions. But I cannot respect these groups, because they are not dedicated to their personal decisions, they are deciding for women. Anti-abortion groups want to impose their decision on society. In Navarre there is a significant portion of the conservative population. These groups, fortunately, are a minority, but within a more conservative sector.
What has changed the abortion situation?
Society has changed a lot: we have homosexual marriage, a more secular society, other ways of understanding relationships, transsexuality ... It's a whole social process, and abortion is one more part: for women to decide if they want to interrupt pregnancy on their own is a huge change in mindset, a social change. I believe that the law of 2010 is enough; another thing is that in Navarre, until the new government comes out, there has been no active attitude to be able to do abortions in the public network, and for abortion to stop having to leave Navarre.
What is Andraize for you?
It was created in 1978 to distribute contraceptives in their legalization. It was driven by feminist groups, women from the Association of Neighbors of the Txantrea and a small group of professionals. It was a pioneer, because it distributed contraceptives, but above all, because it had a complete ideological proposal, so that everyone knew their body and their sexuality, all from a perspective of health care, respect for individual decisions and prevention of unwanted pregnancies. It was a firm bet.
How important is the municipal tribute?
In its day, it was presented to us as an act to compensate for the damage caused. I saw it with good eyes, but I asked him to rethink it because we weren't alone: there were a lot of people fighting for things to change. Andraize has been and is a model. That is still where there are the most fighters. So I thought it was important to understand that abortion is an important chapter, but within a much more important context. It has been a form of militancy. And for me, the real contribution is the existence of these centers, which have been a real change.
“Tuteran jaio nintzen 1954an, eta Iruñean, Nafarroako Unibertsitatean, ikasi nuen karrera, Opusen. Karrera bukatu eta gutxira egin nuen Nafarroako lehen abortua, 1985ean, gazte eta inozoa nintzela, eta etorri ziren gero beste batzuk. Horietako batengatik epaiketara eraman gintuzten, nahiz eta gero libre utzi. Txantreako Andraizeren sorreran izan nintzen, 1978an, laguntzen, eta batez ere ikasten. Gerora, ginekologia zerbitzuko hainbat ataletatik pasa eta gero, Txantreako zentroaren ardura hartu nuen, 2000tik 2017ra. Iaztik, sexu eta ugalketa osasunerako zentroak koordinatzen ditut Iruñerrian”.
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Abortuaren eskubidea Frantziako konstituzioan sartu da aste honetan. Baina abortatzeko eskubidea ez da gaur goizeko afera. Jadanik 1970. hamarkadaren hasieran mugimendu azkarrak izan ziren eskubide horren erdiesteko Ipar Euskal Herrian.
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