A decade has passed since the Gu gara %99 slogan was disseminated. In the whirlwind of the last capitalist crisis, the phrase became popular in the squares that occupied the other side of the Atlantic. Since then, a small percentage of the world ' s population continues to concentrate an even larger share of total wealth.

According to theorist Nancy Fraser, there is no theory that explains the capitalist crisis from a critical and social point of view. In his opinion, the crisis should be understood as a social process. For this, it is essential, from a multidimensional perspective that transcends the economic sphere, to internalize the ideas of post-colonialism, ecology, feminist thinking and critical governance. Fraser proposes his own model through the re-reading of Karl Polanyi’s masterpiece The Great Transformation.

What is the Great Transformation described in a nutshell by Polanyi? Polanyi treats capitalist society – and the capitalist crisis – as a multifaceted historical process. The source of crises is not economic contradictions, but rather the place of the economy in society. Historically, markets have been integrated into society and regulated according to social norms. In other words, markets were not regulated by economic rules. At the end of the 18th century, Polanyi placed the beginning of the Great Transformation in England: when markets ceased to be integrated into society. At the time of the Great Transformation, the dogma of Market Self-regulation was consolidated. In this way, through the process of commodification, the markets move from being integrated and regulated in society to being freed from it and subject to pure economic rules. In conclusion, society, morality and ethics were subject to the markets.

Polanyi insisted on the importance of social struggle, but instead of representing the conflict between labor and capital, he saw it between two movements or forces: Between commodification and the Social Protection movement. Social protection includes social protection, social security, income redistribution policies, social solidarity or collective bargaining. Polanyi described the conflict in the tension between these two trends. He discovered that there was a supra-classist movement that favored society (to return to the place of origin of the economy in society), but he never delved into a theory. Fraser's main contribution is the third force that makes up this model: Movements for liberation, in which the feminist movement, environmentalism or anti-imperialism are situated. The aim of these movements is to overcome situations of dependency, to put an end to exploitation and exclusion.

Fraser continues to inspire us and I want to bring here a recent reflection on feminism. In his view, feminism and other liberation movements risk making their own version of 1% and proposing solutions that only work for an elite population. The liberation movements must be directed at 99% and the alternatives proposed must be valid for that majority, and not for elite women, not for elite ecologists, nor for white citizens. On March 8, feminism occupied the streets, filling our cities and towns with attacks by people. Occupy daiga! Let's build liberation movements that are useful for 99 percent of society.