"ETA was an earthquake that affected most of Basque society"
- The last decades of Euskal Herria cannot be understood without reference to ETA. In his doctoral thesis, Onintza Odriozola has analyzed the first years of the institution, concluding that it was a fairly broad social phenomenon and that the narrative used by the hegemonic discourse is nothing more than “the tip of the iceberg”.
What has prompted you to analyse the creation of ETA?
I realised that in the studies that have been carried out on ETA more work has been done than others: for example, the political history of ETA’s ideology and strategy has prevailed. We believe it is very important that in order to understand ETA as a whole its social and cultural impact is analyzed, always linked to the political and ideological sphere.
What methodology have you used to do the work?
We have worked on what was written on the subject, both the old documents of ETA and the works of other authors. In addition, we have also received first-hand information, as we have interviewed sixteen men and women who militated in or around ETA.
What hypothesis did the work start from?
Our suspicion is that around ETA were organized many people who were not ETA militants: understood as an organization and a network of relationships that transcends the organization's organic structure. That is what we have called the ETA movement. At the same time, it is known that in this context, numerous initiatives were launched in the Basque Country, both at the sociopolitical and cultural levels. We suspected that, at least, an important part of that dynamic was articulated together with the discourse and strategy of ETA or in its surroundings – in this movement – in interaction.
What are these relationships?
The cultural front of ETA, for example, was related to the Basque world. Creation of the Basque Country batua, ikastolas, kantagintza... We could say that ETA or many of its ethnic groups had an effective presence in all areas of Basque cultural activity. Txillardegi is the clearest example. Often it was ETA, its cultural front, who promoted cultural initiatives or collaborated with others.
Can these movements be understood without taking into account the context of ETA’s discourse?
ETA placed Basque culture and Basque culture at the heart of his speech. He brought a new patriotism, because he left the race and put Vasquism at the base of nationality. This changed the discourse and praxis, and many people began to learn in Basque; the symbolic value of Euskera increased. In the 1960s, a broad mobilization was launched to use, learn, modernize and socialize Euskera.
It was also related to the labor movement.
At the same time that ETA fueled the social conflicts of the time, it devoted a mentality to a sector of the labor movement: the discourse of an aconfessional and leftist nationalism that sought national liberation. The leftist movements considered the working class as a revolutionary subject; ETA linked the national case to the latter and named the Basque Country as a revolutionary subject. Although some conflicts arose between the two movements, as national liberation and social liberation began to unite, many workers who previously felt nationalism as something distant approached ETA.
Along with them, ETA also developed the military front.
In the early years, it was called a branch of action and then a military front. With the brutal repression of Franco's live red, ETA needed popular support and a network of contacts to carry out entrepreneurial nationalism: putting ikurriñas, spreading propaganda, some action against a particular objective... We believe that this was supported by an important part of the people. We have come to the conclusion that his strategy had great social recognition, because it was an effective and fair means of fighting Franco according to the people.
Did the sum of these three fronts have an impact on the recovery of nationalism?
Stop. Starting in 1964, the Abertzale mass experienced a rebound, and not only around ETA. The PNV, Enbata and other institutions also grew up, created Basque parties, danced... Patriotism that was previously hidden began to say goodbye little by little.
What was the place of women in ETA at the time?
They were active subjects. In particular, women participated in the field of culture, at ikastolas and others. In addition, there were also some in the decision-making centres of the organization, although few.
How were the nationalists of Ipar and Hego Euskal Herria articulated?
On the one hand, the rise of nationalism in Hegoalde acted as a wave for the abertzales of Ipar Euskal Herria. In addition, it interacted between the abertzales on both sides of the border. Then, the fact that many members of the organization have taken refuge in Iparralde brought them new air; there they drank from the source of the French leftist philosophers.
What main conclusion did you draw?
The new nationalism of ETA was the coal that was used to launch the train machine of Euskal Herria. In the conversations, some say it served to awaken the society from its hearth. It is an earthquake that affected most of the society of the Basque Country.
“Uste dut estaturik gabeko nazio mugimenduontzat –eta gaur egun batez ere independentistontzat– bereziki garrantzitsua dela ditugun bitartekoekin gure kontakizuna eraikitzea; azken batean, historiaren diskurtsoa borroka-leku bat da, eta errealitateak eta diskurtso politikoak eraikitzeko eta legitimatzeko erabiltzen da. Horretan ari dira, hain justu, zenbait erakunde, elkarte eta fundazio. Beraz, Euskal Herrira etorrita, iruditzen zait ETAren fenomenoa ahalik eta modu integralenean aztertu eta azaleratu beharko genukeela”.
