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As the saying goes, The third is the bona. The Catalan independentists know it has to be like this. The two previous attempts, the consultation of 9 November 2014 and the elections convened as a plebiscite of 2015, enabled progress to be made in the process, but it is clear that they did not achieve a rigorous referendum. President Carles Puigdemont announced that:The referendum will be held on 1 October and the question will be “do you want Catalonia to be an independent state as a republic?”
The Ara newspaper has already published the first survey at that time of the Survey of Urban Conjuncture of Navarra. Surveys, which outline some keys to the success of the referendum, in particular in the two areas in which the next day all the attention will be focused: participation and outcome. The data would be good for the independentists: the intention to participate would be 64.2%, not far from the figures of many regional and general elections, and the yes would easily gain, with 67%. These results, according to the survey, would comply with all referendum standards and allow for international recognition and unilateral declaration of independence. The reading of these data is not very complicated, as they are a direct consequence of the lack of a vote by a part of the unionist sector. It seems to me to be a rethinking issue on the part of the Unionists, because demobilising no to delegitimize the referendum could strengthen the yes and bring unilateral independence closer.
In addition to the traditional Spanish sector, the presumed democratic sovereignty that is gathered in Un País En Comú has begun to plough the land to delegitimize the unilateral route and the referendum ndum.Xavier Domenech has stated that a referendum with all guarantees is necessary and that this will not be denied by anyone. The problem comes in the second part, because it is the same that the consultation has all the guarantees to be agreed with the Spanish State.
However, we still have many chapters to come and it will be as much or more important as the result how they reach that day and what story prevails. The Junts Pel Yes coalition has made a great effort to make it clear that they would prioritize the bilateral road, but that the low democratic quality of the Spanish State makes the unilateral route the only way to give a genuine democratic exit to the attack. This speech has begun to bear fruit internationally, including the New York Times publishing house, which has already spoken in favour of holding the referendum. On the part of the Spanish Government, it seems that they will take advantage of the judicial route and the judicial route to increase fear, and that the flag of the law will be the center of their story.
On the contrary, discursive competition is not going to happen only outside the borders of Catalonia. Even in Catalonia, in addition to the traditional Spanish sector, the presumed democratic sovereigns that are grouped in Un País En Comú begin to plough the land to delegitimize the unilateral path and the referendum. Xavier Domenech has said that a referendum with all guarantees is needed and that no one will deny it. The problem comes in the second part, because it is the same that the consultation has all the guarantees when it comes to being agreed with the Spanish State, with a mechanism similar to that of the Spanish Government to match the law and democracy.
It is impossible for you to be truly sovereign if you do nothing to what you know will always deny you sovereignty. Waiting for the majority of Spain to change is the same as waiting for an earthquake to separate the Catalan countries from Spain. The discourse of the commons, so far less common in Spain, is a discourse that we have known for a long time in Catalonia and in the Basque Country, which pulls down the hole of any common attempt to change things, closely linked to the chain of Spanish laws.
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