This process, driven by Tours Esku Dago, is scheduled for three years. Also in 2017 and 2018 it will conduct the largest number of consultations possible to “activate the citizenship and generate the necessary conditions for the consultation”. At least that is what the Eskura document, adopted in November 2015, says.
Born in the heat of the Catalan independence process, the 400-kilometer chain connecting Durango with Pamplona/Iruña was the first 123 kilometer series of citizens: 150,000 people of the hand claiming the right to decide of Basque citizenship. It was the greatest and most spectacular mobilization ever made in the history of the Basque Country in favor of this demand.
After the chain of people, Locks Esku Dago was already at risk of drowning in his foams and the following two years have not
been easy
He was known, but he made it very clear that in Euskal Herria there was a deep root in favor of the right to decide. In addition, more significant people grew over that wave than nationalism. But Locks Esku Dago ran the risk of drowning in her foams and the next two years have not been easy, for many things.
From the point of view of the major mobilizations, the effort of the five capitals of June 2015 was the first to show the wall. One, many people yes, but the objective cannot be overcome; two, the acts left a feeling of cold in the different areas of nationalism. Unlike Catalonia, messages about the right to decide or independence had problems igniting passion in society. Possibly, the defeat of EH Bildu in the CAV would also have an impact in the 2015 elections, as this social framework has been the most mobilized for independence.
In the Basque Country, both because of the influence of Catalonia and because of the profound crisis that has been going on since 2008, the concept of independence is being transformed. It could be said that for increasingly broad sectors of society it is as important to decide on everyday problems such as housing, infrastructure, the economy, taxes, gender equality … and that is especially in the youth sphere. In this field, the impact of the M15 has also been significant. The right to decide will have to be dressed in all these clothes in order to attract many sectors, whether decisive or independent, to these waves of interrogation. On the other hand, theoretically, the M15 and Podemos have politically increased the scope of the right to decide. Navarre could be the most spectacular example: Who was going to think very recently that it had to be a government for the right to decide?
The result of the self-government conference has seldom remained, the lehendakari Urkullu has failed to fulfil the mandate of the consultation and the Abertzale left already has enough work to govern itself.
In most cases, it has been thought that initiatives such as Tours Esku Dago should build a bridge between the Jeltzale and the Abertzale left, and there is no doubt that this is the case, but who is going to do that bridging work between the message and the style of Tours Esku Dago and those young – and not so young – sectors?
The impetus of the right to decide cannot be but the close link between societies and institutions. Nothing to say about independence. In Catalonia this has been made clear and have been concerned about it first the Platform for the Right to Decide and then the ANC. Mistakes have made a fruitful path. They have also had a third significant factor, the attitude of the Spanish State, its agrabio. And like yeast, a very profound economic and social crisis.
No one here has put such pressure either on parties or on the institutions. At least in the documents and intentions they have shown for these three-year wave shifts, Den Esku Dago has not yet had enough strength to do so.
Anyway, at the moment: thousands of Basques are going to decide and that, in principle, is an innovative and giant step.
At the institutional level, the term of office that has ended had a spark in the Basque Parliament: The first legislature without ETA in 30 years, the greatest historical superiority of PNV and EH Bildu, the order of consultation of the PNV for 2015 and the Self-government Report ready to channel all the potential of the new conjuncture. The result of the Self-Government Report has remained very rarely, Iñigo Urkullu has failed to fulfil the mandate of the consultation and the Abertzale left is tired of governing itself. Following the strong hegemony among nationalists, the PNV is comfortable in management, awaiting the new Government of Madrid, with which it hopes to incorporate new forms of self-government.
In this complex context, the initiative of swimming surveys is taking a step further in the activation of citizenship. But the atmosphere is cold, it seems that the fan of the Basque decisions gets more excited with the consultations of Catalonia than with those there. It can also be a matter of impression, since, being of the people, the sensitivity can be very different in the peoples consulted and in the rest.
The atmosphere is cold, it seems that the fan of the Basque decisions gets more excited with the consultations of Catalonia than with those of here
Two types of questions will be answered in the consultations on 5 June: In Debagoiena, Aramaio and Azpeitia will have to answer yes or no to independence; in the Goierri, to the sovereignty of Ispaster, yes or no. Then there will be surveys for the years 2017 and 2018. And then? The results are going to say a lot, but it is to be hoped that Cincta Esku Dago will have something planned for the future. In Catalonia they have not stopped worrying about the roadmap, but there is little talk about it here, among other things because the process itself is different and also because here the fruit is not ripe.
Consultations will be held this year and the following ones, but in the meantime it would not be bad for Cincta Esku Dago to outline and socialise what it envisages for the future: Who should promote the independence project in society and in institutions? How? What will be the new foral project of the PNV? What is the place of democratic confrontation on this road, especially if the Spanish State continues its position closed?
The impetus of the right to decide inevitably needs a close connection between societies and institutions, nothing to say about independence.
See Esku Dago may think that these questions will be unleashed in the next three years, especially if this process succeeds in activating the majority of Basque society around the right to decide. But from a social point of view, and fundamentally from the point of view of the independence sectors, it is appropriate that these issues should also be dealt with and clarified as far as possible. Having a roadmap for 2019 is key, otherwise the illusion would become despair. In any case, at the moment: thousands of Basques are going to decide and that, in principle, is an innovative and giant step.
Aitzindariak
Etxarri Aranatz (Nafarroa).
2014ko apirilaren 13an egin zen Euskal Herrian independentziaren gaineko lehenbiziko kontsulta. Udalak antolatuta, 2013an egiteko asmoa zuten, baina Nafarroako Administrazio Auzitegiak bertan behera utzi zuen, kontsulta egitea udalaren eskumenetik kanpo zegoela argudiatuta. Azkenean herri plataforma batek bideratu zuen eta honako galdera luzatu zen: “Nahi al duzu Euskal Herri independente bateko herritarra izan?”. Bozkatzeko eskubidea zuten herritarren %42,76k parte hartu zuen kontsultan: %94,47k baiezkoa eman zuen; %2,11k ezezkoa eta %3,5ek zuri bozkatu zuen.
Arrankudiaga (Bizkaia).
2014ko azaroaren 2an egin zuten galdeketa, herritarren Ados Plataformak deituta, Etxarri-Aranazkoa eredu eta honako galderarekin: “Nahi al duzu euskal estatu burujabe bateko herritar izan?”. Eskubidea zuen herritarren %61,59k parte hartu zuen honako emaitzarekin: bai %89’64k baiezkoaren alde egin zuen; %2,58k ezezkoa bozkatu zuen eta zuri %6,57k.
Hiru urteko prozesua
2015eko ekainean Gure Esku Dagok erabaki zuen 2016 eta 2018 artean herrietan galdeketak bultzatuko zituela Euskal Herri osoan. 2016an 34 herritan egingo dira kontsultak : Gipuzkoako Goierrin 23, Debagoienan 8, Aramaion, Azpeitian eta Ispasterren. Bi galdera egingo dira. Debagoienan eta Azpeitian galdera honakoa da: “Nahi al duzu izan euskal estatu independente bateko herritar?”. Goierrin eta Ispasterren: “Nahi al duzu euskal estatu burujabe bateko herritarra izan?”. Dimak eta Bakaikuk udazkenean egingo dituzte galdeketak. Berez, ekainaren 12an eta 19an egin behar ziren, baina Espainiako ekainaren 26ko hauteskunde orokorrak direla eta datak aldatu dira kanpaina saihesteko.
2017rako aurreikusitako herri edota eskualdeak: Oarsoaldea, Aulesti, Barrika, Bermeo, Busturia, Elorrio, Sopela, Uribe Kosta, Usurbil eta Hernani. Urtean zehar beste herri askok iragarriko dituzte galdeketak. Eta, aurreikuspenak betez gero, 2018an egingo da galdeketen hirugarren olatua.
Protokoloa
Herri bakoitzak erabakitzen du bere galdeketaren inguruan, baina Gure Esku Dagok badu protokolo oso zehatza jarraitu ahal izateko. Helburua da beste edozein kontsulta edo hauteskunderen moduko galdeketak egitea, seriotasun eta sinesgarritasunik handiena izan dezaten: nola eratu galdeketa prestatzeko batzordea herrian, kontrol batzordea, mahaiak, botoak, begiraleak, galderak, lekua, ordutegiak, zenbaketa… eta beste hainbat xehetasun dira Gure Esku Dagoren webgunean topa daitezkeen Protokoloa dokumentuan.
2005ean sortu zen, urte berean Kataluniako Legebiltzarrak onartutako Autonomia Estatutu berriaren testuinguruan. Espainiak ez zuela onartuko eta horri erantzun asmoz sortu zen plataforma hau, ondoren independentziari buruz egindako galdeketen aitzindaria. Erabaki eskubidea gizartean eragitea, herritarrak kontzientziatzea eta, instituzio eta gizarte mugimenduen arteko zubigintza jarri zizkion helburu bere buruari. 2006ko Autonomia Estatutu berriari buruzko erreferendumean ezezkoaren alde egin zuen eta aurrera begira bere zeregin giltzarrietakoa zen “ez uztea autonomismoa betikotzen”.
Arenys de Muntek (8.000 biztanle) egin zuen Kataluniako lehen kontsulta 2009ko irailaren 13an, Udalak CUPen eskaria onetsiz eta honako galderarekin: “Ados al zaude Katalunia zuzenbide Estatu independente, demokratiko eta sozial bat bilakatzearekin, Europako Batasunaren barruan?”. Bartzelonako auzitegi batek Udalbatzak hartutako erabakia bertan behera utzi zuen, halako kontsultarik egiteko eskumenik ez zuela argudiatuta. Arenyseko Autodeterminazioaren aldeko Plataformak hartu zuen lekukoa. Partehartzea %41ekoa izan zen eta %96,2 independentziaren aldekoa.
Handik aurrera udalek galdeketa prozesuak sostengatu zituzten eta baliabideak eskaini, baina Independentziari buruzko Kontsultaren aldeko Koordinadorak antolatuta egin ziren galdeketak Kataluniako beste 300 herritan, lau txandatan banatuta. Bartzelona izan zen azkena, 2011ko apirilaren 10ean. Guztira 600.000 bat pertsonak parte hartu zuen galdeketetan eta %93tik gora independentziaren alde agertu zen. Pentsa liteke jende gutxi zela ondorengo urteetan etorriko ziren manifestazio erraldoiak ikusita, baina argi dago motorrak ondo berotu zituztela.
2011ko maiatzean sortu zen Kataluniako Asanblea Nazionala eta bere zeregin nagusia independentziarako bide orria finkatzea izan zen. Une horretatik aurrera bera izan da independentzia prozesuaren akuilu nagusia, alderdiak eta instituzioak helburu horretara bultzatuz. ANC izan da 2012tik aurrera urtero egin diren ekitaldi erraldoien antolatzailea, hala nola 2012ko 400 kilometroko pertsona katea –Kataluniako Bidea– edo bestelako mobilizazio erraldoiak.
Lehen urratsetan Generalitateak deitu zuen erreferenduma, herritarren prozesu parte hartzaile gisa antolatuta, baina Espainiako Konstituzio Auzitegiak bertan behera utzi zuen prozesua. ANCk, Omnium Culturalek eta Kataluniako Udalen Batzarrak hartu zuten lekukoa eta Ara es l’hora kanpaina antolatu zuten erreferenduma aurrera atzeratzeko. Konstituzio Auzitegiak leku publikoen erabilera debekatu zuen, baina kontsultak egin egin ziren eta horrek Generalitateko hainbat pertsonaren auziperatzea ekarri zuen, besteak beste Artur Mas presidentea.
Erreferendumak balio sinbolikoa zuen legearen ikuspegitik, baina balio politiko handia ere bai, emaitzak Kataluniako herritarrek independentziari buruzko iritzia erakutsi baitzuten lehenbiziz. Debeku eta guzti, boto eskubidea zutenen %41ek parte hartu zuen kontsultan, “Nahi al duzu Katalunia Estatu bat izatea?” galderari erantzunez. Baiezkoa izatekotan, bigarren galderari erantzun behar zitzaion: Estatu independentea izatea nahi al duzu? 2.236.806 herritar joan zen bozkatzera: 1.861.753ek baietz bozkatu zuen; 232.182k estatua bai baina independentzia ez; eta 104.772k independentziaren aurka egin zuen.
Emaitza horiekin Generalitateak Kataluniako Legebiltzarrerako hauteskundeak 2015era aurreratu zituen, izaera plebiszitarioa emanez. Independentismoa –Junts Pel Sí koalizioa eta CUP– botoen %47ra iritsi zen, Katalunian inoiz lortutako emaitza onena. Kataluniako Legebiltzarreko 135 diputatuetatik 72 independentistak dira orain, 11 soberanistak eta 52 unionistak.
Kataluniako lehen gobernu independentista eratu zen 2016ko hasieran, honako enkargu nagusiarekin: 18 hilabetetan Kataluniako Errepublikako Konstituzioa eratzea, ondoren gobernua desegin eta hauteskundeak deitzeko, oraingoan izaera konstituziogilearekin. Hau da, formalki autonomikoak lirateke berriz, baina Gobernu independentistak konstituzioari buruzko plebiszitu gisa planteatuko luke. Bide orriaren arabera, herritarrek konstituzio berria onartuko balute, Parlamentu berriak independentzia aldarrikatuko luke.
The society in which we live is absolutely based on subordination. Over the centuries, our lives have been shaped according to it, and little by little the power of decision, freedom and sovereignty have been reduced. Sometimes they've taken us away with force, sometimes we've... [+]
In Basque public schools, teachers play a fundamental role in the management of diversity. They have had to reinvent their way of doing their work in recent years. Public schools seem to me to be laboratories to explore what it is to be a person in a more complex world. Teachers... [+]
Relations between the Basques and Castilla and the present Spain have not been tender. The conquest of the Basque territories that began in 1200 from Vitoria has left us over the centuries many bloody episodes. Thousands of people killed in the conquest of Navarre and in the... [+]
From 19 to 21 October, Hernani held a conference of sovereignty to learn, share and reflect on “transformative experiences”. The talks and activities have been carried out through the citizens' initiative Hernani Burujab, but have also been promoted by the City Hall of... [+]
“Iñon is not in the subalterna, himself,
We all come together without the future.”
Joxean Artze / Mikel Laboa
These are our observations on the letter of 8 September of the vital movement “Sovereignty(s): what we want to prioritize”.
“Honestly, there is no reason... [+]
In view of the political situation in Spain, it may be thought that for years its main parties will need the votes of the nationalist peripheries to form governments in Madrid. Can this allow us to take other steps around plurinationality in Spain? In this context comes the... [+]
Independent of Bizi. Many of the ideas of the project Recovering our living conditions are deeply criticized, but we are willing to interview with militants of the Bizi movement.
According to Elhuyar's translation, French means independent, sovereign, and sovereignty means... [+]