We knew that the European Union (EU), ruled by Germany, did not like the new Syriza government. That it was not going to make things easy for Athens and that it was going to give a smooth, propelled coup d'état in other European countries, imposing change of government. The EU has tried, Berlin has raped the corralito and the Syriza Government has received insults and contempt that we have never seen among the Union’s partners. But Alexis Tsipras has been able to survive using democratic strategy as a defence weapon. He added ten more marbles to the shipment from Germany. The referendum was a courageous move, strengthened and legitimized the government at home, while it sparked indignation and aroused the desire for revenge of those who impose the rules of the game.

As Gianis Varufakis explained, in the Eurogroup when Germany speaks the rest of the Germans are silent and obedient. Berlin threw the ORDAGO, according to rumours, because if our penalties are not accepted, we will get rid of the euro and create conditions comparable to the ten epidemics. Tsipras was frightened and gave up without plan B, assuming much more deaf conditions than before the referendum. Once again it was a slap in the face of those who do not understand the benefits of the multipolar world. The maintenance or recovery of sovereignty is easier if power is divided into several places, so that the policy of control and deterrence between them can create self-contained frameworks of sovereignty. For example, left-wing experiences in Latin America would hardly have had a future if China or Russia did not exist. That is why, although indirectly, when it is done against Russia in favour of the West, among other things, it is done against Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela.

From a European point of view, the Greek crisis has made it clear what the real EU is. These are not good times for the federalists, we knew that democracy in the European Union is insufficient, but if federalism has been on the agenda, it has now been officially erased. Everyone knows that the agreement reached offers many sanctions and little solidarity and cooperation. The poor economic situation in Greece is not going to be solved, but is going to become even more complicated. The Hellenic State is becoming very poor, the EU is forced to launch a savage privatisation process that minimises or eliminates capital participation from outside the West (China, Russia, Brazil...). In other words, there is little sovereignty in Greece, but for privatisations a free market rule is not going to be adopted, and the theft of the country is going to occur on the market. As José Mújica, the former president of Uruguay, explained, the agreement is cruel and colonialist.

After the German union of 1871, German expansionism succeeded among conservative intellectuals, industrialists, military and politicians. Later, in 1915, the liberal politician Friedrich Naumann, linked to the concept of Mitteleuropa, elaborated the Union of Customs project to compete with the Anglo-Saxon people. Germany would become a European centre and the rest of the nations would be around it without economic sovereignty. In this sense, the Nazis represented an economic framework of the continent in which some countries would create and sell surplus stocks – governed by Germany with a single central bank and a currency – and the others would be the economic periphery, supplying the first subjects and labour. What does it have to do with the current reality?