Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

"Deleted from the draft of the Basque Country Programme"

  • We can be the head of the list of Podemos to the foral elections in Navarra of a young Republican who four years ago asked uncomfortable questions about monarchy and democracy to Felipe de Borbón.

Mother and father are the two politicians.

As an independent mother and a member of the Ezker Batua group, they are the president and vice-president of the Council of Artica in which they live. Both have worked for a long time in the municipality, apart from their professions. Ours has been a highly politicised family, or at least politics has not been a taboo for me. When I was a kid, I went to St. George's school, and there we were the Basque line and the Spanish students. The latter included Roma children. When the disturbances occurred, most of them turned against the Roma, and I, on the other hand, always in their favour. I saw how those kids didn't have the opportunity, for example, to go on vacation and the others did. All of this caused me a lot of questions and aroused my interest in the difference between social classes. On the other hand, because I was a little girl, they wouldn't let me play football, and those things made me so angry. I've always wanted to change things.

That's why you studied law?

Yes. I also thought about studying philosophy or psychology, but my parents recommended that I choose what would give me the most opportunities to work.

Do we have to change the laws so that we can change things in our society?

Yes, and many times popular movements have great importance in changing the laws. That's why I like movements like Podemos, on the one hand because they're a good tool to attract people who so far haven't identified with party acronyms and to politicize society.

Is it difficult to mobilize people? Do we live in an anesthetized society?

That's how we've been educated. The people of our generation have given us everything. They told us by way of a story that if we learned, we would get the profession we wanted. We have not been educated in democracy and participation. On the contrary, they've wanted us to move away, saying that we don't care, and many have believed that.

He studied for many years to be a judge. Why judge?

Because it seemed to me that I could find a space of freedom looking for other interpretations of the law. I was preparing competitions for six years. They're very resilient and from time to time I was pausing. In one of them, I started looking at the judgments at Thomson Aranzadi and introducing information into a database. There I learned a lot, and when I saw the corners of the state, I realized that everything is very tied, too tied. I began to doubt that that could be the way to really change things.

Little freedom in the judiciary?

I believe that, despite the independence of the judges, the same is not true of the higher bodies. There is nothing more to do with how they are elected and how things are legally adapted to realize themselves. Then I realized the importance of the constituent process. It is necessary to change the institutions so that they have real independence and, at the same time, internal democracy. The constitutional advantages, fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual are not guaranteed in practice. Measures must be taken to ensure that all this changes from the bottom to the top, but a conscious society is needed to do so.

Have you completely abandoned your teaching work to run for the elections?

I have finally obtained an unpaid leave, until June, because I am an interim professor. Then I'll go to unemployment, but no charge. Our ethical code tells us that the wage is limited: at the very most we can multiply the base wage by three. I now earn less than as a professor, but here we are not for money and we have not become caste, as some say in a disastrous way. We are trying to put in place measures to prevent the professionalisation of politics. We cannot have more than twice the elections or we renounce all the allowances and privileges that public office entails, for example. Instead of taking a taxi, for example, I will go on a bike or a villain as usual.
Amadeo Marco Ilincheta, a former Member of the General Assembly, assured that we should not go to politics with the intention of getting rich, so it was better for the rich of old to exercise power.
Yeah, maybe it wasn't because I was rich, but you'd have to see how much they had enriched themselves with it.

In the book El corralito foral Ivan Giménez shows that Navarra is not sold, not bought, but inherited. How long?

To the limit. The link between economic oligarchy and power must be severed. Giménez explains very well in his book that at first the caciques, the caciques, entered the Deputation, but now they do not need it, because they have other servants who defend their interests. We citizens must have here representatives who make decisions for everyone, not just for the rich.

You are a member of the Republican Board of the Left of Navarra. Are monarchy and democracy incompatible?

I think so. There is no real democracy if the head of state cannot be elected. That is reasonable, but when we defend the Republic we want to go further: to opt for what is everybody’s, for a society based on republican values, for secularism, for social justice, for equality between women and men, for freedom of education, for education as a liberating tool and, of course, for the right to decide. We understand this in a broad way, not only from the territorial sphere, but from the staff, but to do so, before that, we must all have guaranteed the minimum resources to live with dignity.

Four years ago, you told Felipe de Borbón that you didn't want to be subordinate and see when a referendum on the monarchy was held. He suddenly ended the conversation saying that one could be quiet with his minute of glory.

It wasn't a minute, it was five, and it got really long for me. In her day, everything scared me. I still didn't have television or the Internet, and what I lived and heard on the street was like two different realities. What surprised me the most, however, was the unfounded response he gave me. It made me sad not to have any more arguments. And I felt a certain pride in his words. Have you lived a lifetime in the milk world and we citizens cannot demand something basic to you? On the other hand, at that time, the M15 movement was going to overflow and I found it rather regrettable that the debate did not consider the issue of monarchy as fundamental. I understand that unemployment and the future of youth are priority issues, but everything is related. The lack of real democracy has to do with the current crisis.

It was all in a sanctity. First as secretary and now as a candidate for re-election. No vertigo?

We are always demanding the participation of women and now that they give me the opportunity, how can we say no? Because of the involvement I had from the beginning, because I was a woman, young and Euskaldun, they asked me to introduce me to the secretary, and so did I. Then I propose to be the head of the list to Parliament and here I am. It's exciting and it's also burdensome, especially because participatory democracy is like this. When things are decided between a few, it may be faster and simpler, but that is not our way of working. We are inventing new forms of participation and coordination.

In the preamble to these elections, the main theme is independence. The way out of the possible votes for you?

That's what some people want to take away. There is a great plurality, but we all agree on giving priority to social rescue. It is also clear that we believe in internal democracy and that we are not afraid of debates or of people speaking out.

In November, a survey gave you 18 seats. Up to 8. Is your new strategy not to re-talk about possible pacts until after the elections?

The agreements will be based on the results and we always say that the pacts are based on programmatic objectives. We have said clearly with whom we do not have to agree in Navarra: With UPN-PSN

But voters also want to know how far they’re willing to go…

For us, independence or the referendum are not priorities. Social rescue is what is really in a hurry and that is what we are going to base our programme on. In the future we could talk about independence or the union of the Basque Country. To do so, one or more constituent processes would have to be done, as two-thirds of Congress is needed to carry out the changes. Agreements between all communities would be essential to this end. Without discarding this hypothesis, our immediate objectives are other.

And why has the reference to Basque Country disappeared?

The name of Euskal Herria has been removed from the draft of the program by silence from the right. The Diario de Navarra mixed everything by saying that we proposed a constituent process for integration with the Basque Autonomous Community. But we have not said anything about this. If you ask us, we say that we're going to ask people what they want and they're already there. We propose the creation of a body shared with the CAPV, but also with other communities. Why not?

And within the party do you see things very different from here or from Madrid?

You are well aware of the situation in Navarre. They know that change is necessary here, and they are aware of the extent to which some media manipulate reality. It's not true that we were vetoed if we decided something they don't like. In each territory is decided by the local assembly. So it's in our hands.

From the attacks you are personally suffering these days, what has offended you most?

When I go to Madrid, my own family tells me that I'm a radical from the Abertzale left. They always know me, and what really hurts me is the power they have to change the image of a person and their family. Many of We Can also believe in those lies. With the people of the Ribera, for example, we have to clarify many times that we have not said this or the other, but the Diario de Navarra. However, I am not very concerned, because that is your only instrument. The media have freedom of expression, but over and above that is the citizens’ right to truth.

In social terms, what the Abertzale left or you say is very similar.

The biggest difference is that we are not nationalists. The Abertzale left prioritized national construction and now gives more importance to social discourse. However, there are a lot of people who are very interested in social issues and who don't identify with Bildu. These people can find their space in Podemos.

Nortasun agiria

Laura Pérez Ruano. Bilbon jaioa (1980ko abenduaren 23an) baina 3 hilabeterekin Iruñera bizitzera joana. Abokatua, duela aste gutxira arte DBHko euskara irakaslea Lizarran eta orain Podemos-Ahal dugu alderdiko idazkari nagusia Nafarroan eta parlamenturako zerrendaburua.

Bizipiketea

“2012ko martxoan egindako greban bizipiketeko kideei bizikletak kendu eta 300 euroko isun bana jarri ziguten. Nafarroako Parlamentuak gure aldeko ebazpena egin zuen, pairatu genuen poliziaren errepresioa salatuz eta isunak bertan behera uzteko eskatuz. Nahiz eta gure aurkako frogarik ez egon eta greba egunean baketsuki parte hartu, ordena publikoa guk apurtu genuela ebatzi berri du epaileak. Eta haiek? Ez al dute bake sozialaren aurka egiten etorkizuna ukatzen digutenean?” (Euskalerria Irratirako idatzia)

Bigarren planoan

“Pertsona aditu eta balio handiko askok parte hartu nahi izan du gure programaren osaeran, baina askok ez dute aurpegia eman nahi. Hori kezkagarria iruditzen zait eta nork egin duen gauza bakoitza ezin esateak pena ematen dit. Politika oraindik normalizatua ez dagoen seinale”.

Off the record
Presiozko lapikoa

Urak ez daude bare Nafarroako Podemos-Ahal dugu alderdiaren baitan: barne tentsioak, hauteskundeetarako prozesuaren garbitasunaren inguruko akusazioak eta berez konplexua den batzar bidezko erabakiak hartzeko lan egiteko modua. Honi gehitzen zaio eskuineko komunikabideen etengabeko erasoaldia bai alderdiari bai Laura Perezi ere.  Bilduren “marka zuria” direla diote kastakoek. Ezker abertzaletik aldiz, argi eta garbi kartak mahai gainean jar ditzala eskatzen diote alderdi berriari. Balizko boto emaileengandik galdera ugari, baina Madrildik erantzunetan zuhurtzia agintzen dute. Egunak ziztuan doaz eta elkarrizketak, eta mahai-inguruak, eta bilerak, eta txostenak, eta sare sozialak, eta inkestak… Azaroan 18 eserleku ematen zien inkesta batek Nafarroan. Orain 8 gehienez. Laura Perezek tinko eusten dio, ezpainetako margo gorria galdu gabe.


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