The change in Navarre is due to the election of Laura Pérez as Secretary General of the Rub-Ahal Dugu Primaries. At least if what you have so far so clearly stated your candidacy is complied with. And if in the May elections we can get the good results predicted by the polls. And if he's able to resist the media storm that threatened him. And if We can from the State let it be. And if the citizens, as sociology says, are really so irritated with those they have sent so far. And if UPN, PSN and PPN do not get 26 parliamentarians. And ...

Navarre is still far from change, but in the last 30 years it is closer than ever, unless the alliances of the Basque forces and the Navarre federalist left are finally fruitful. In 1995, the PSN, CDN and EA formed a tripartite government, but the Otano case crumbled it in 1996. In summer 2007 Nafarroa Bai and PSN had reached a government agreement, but this time it was the PSOE that sank Ferraz's change. In May, the biggest difference from previous times is that change is also possible without the PSN. What would be amazing two or three years ago today is a hypothesis to consider. Bad, but possible.

In Navarre, a total of 2,854 people participated in the primary schools of Podemos, a figure that is by no means a joke. With more than three times the population of Navarre, the Podemos primary in the CAV are almost equal (3,142 people), and the latter is not jokingly. It could be thought, therefore, that Podemos is more rooted in Navarre than in the CAV or that the conditions are more special to encourage citizens to vote in some primary schools. And there are, yes, more special and different, among other things because the passion for change is present in a large sector of Navarre society.

The way in which we vote in the primaries of Podemos may raise doubts, because any citizen can participate in very tender ways: Sign up online to We can with your ID or passport number and it's now. The rumours about those who voted in favour of Laura Pérez, although they were not those of Podemos, were not few. It can happen for one or another application. But it's not easy for almost 3,000 people to vote, which means that there's been a big noise in society around the primary ones, that you know something about the candidatures, that there's been an interest that's been raised beyond Podemos, which is also significant. On social networks, the primaries of Podemos have been very present in different social sectors of Navarra, from the right to the left Abertzale. Again in Navarre these factors have stimulated participation and have also been reflected in the number of votes.

The candidacy expected in the CAV has been the best, the Euskal Hiria of the Bermean Roberto Uriarte. By the way, a remarkable fact: at least if you look at the main candidatures, the presentation of their profile was the only one that appeared in Basque and Spanish. The page of the candidacy also has an address, but the political program of primaries in Spanish, like all the candidatures, either from the CAV or from Navarra.

The results of last year’s European elections drew Podemos as a fundamentally state phenomenon, although a very strong result was also achieved in the Basque Country. In Navarre there was a broad consensus – it used to be strong – that the results of the nabearometer were swollen, but it is clear that the trend is there. Regarding the CAV, the trends of the latest surveys (Basque Barometer, Vocento, Gara...) lead to the first positions in the CAV, to the point that the Vocento diaries give the leadership in Álava, being in the top three positions. Here, almost the same way, parties can't believe, but they fear for what can happen. It would mainly affect the PSE and Ezker Batua, but also Bildu. With Bildu, however, it can be determinant that we can obtain good results, because if the political program of the Basque Country materializes, it can be an important ally to systems such as the PNV, the PSN or the pp. Enough to save the Provincial Council of Donostia in Gipuzkoa? n