Four weeks ago, I dedicated this space to the referendum in Scotland. Then I pointed out some very basic ideas: to ask the people that it is nothing other than to accept the sovereignty, dignity and freedom of the people and of citizenship. The political and social normality that has lived in Scotland, the right to self-determination, in Europe, must not be limited to the “colonized” peoples alone; that in both the Basque Country and Catalonia there are a considerable number of citizens who want to debate and decide on it, that sovereignty is to be able to speak.

I am obliged to take a new turn on the subject. The Catalan reality demands this. The truth is, I knew I would have to do it like this. But I didn't know what I would say or what the reality would be. I don't know what I thought of what was going to happen and how things were going to be. In the end, the picture is unraveling – or darkening, I do not know – at least we know what the option of citizenship will be on 9 November, after the Constitutional Court has decided to temporarily suspend the option of the political majority.

There are matters that cannot be subject to legal analysis, at least not merely. If we just look at the law, no one could explain why the Constitutional Court has taken this “express” decision that excludes the political and social majority of Catalonia. On the one hand, because the Spanish Constitution itself, through its Article 150.2, allows the Autonomous Communities to transfer certain powers; and, on the other, because it is very difficult to understand that the future of Catalonia requires the participation of all Spanish citizens, which has not happened in Scotland.

We have heard time and again that the Spanish Government had no other legal solution, but that is unacceptable. If the majority of the people in Catalonia want to give their opinion on 9 November, of that there is no doubt, that must be channelled politically, as has been done in Scotland. It is clear that the Spanish Constitution is not immutable, as Article 135 was amended as quickly as possible by the PP and the PSOE in August 2011 with the aim of calming “the markets”. They could do the same thing if they thought it was necessary. But on this issue, we must look at other important variables: The calculations of the parties in the elections to be held in 2015 and the “fundamentalism” with the Constitution, where the Constitution has become a violent “weapon” against many purposes.

The answer that has been given in Catalonia is still confusing, but it is being clarified. I would highlight two keys: one, to maintain political unity, the other, to satisfy the will of the popular movement. The first is linked to the calculations of the parties, but the people can condition: all parties know that there is a lot at stake and that whoever dismisses the wishes of the citizens can lose a lot. The second is easier: what is clear is that on 9 November the people will have the opportunity to speak and the answer will be comprehensive and forceful.

In addition, the world will not end in 2014, nor will Spain. In 2015 there are elections: in May, in the autonomous communities, in the municipalities and in the foreign deputies; in autumn, general elections. The distribution of the forces of today is not going to last, is it?, and the opinion in favour of freedom and sovereignty will certainly be strengthened. After all, the 1978 regime is the one in question, in its entirety, and it will also be called “plebiscite” if we so wish.