Aurreko artikulua bukatu eta handik bost minutura gertatu zen Juan Carlos Borboikoaren abdikazioa. Hilabete honek zer esan eta zer hausnartu eman du, noski.
1. Zergatik abdikazioa une honetan? Bi arrazoi garbi ikusten ditut. Espainiako erregearen egoera ez zela ona begi-bistakoa zen, eta honetaz pentsatuko zuten (nortzuek ez badakit ere). Baina bi eragile erabakigarri eman dira: Europako hauteskundeetako emaitzak eta Cristina Borboikoaren aferak ekarri duen egozpen penala. Hauteskundeetako emaitzen eragina garbia da: indar politiko batzuen gorakada eta orain arte Koroaren sostengua izan den PSOEk bermatu ahal ez izatea etorkizunean Koroari buruz har zezakeen erabakia. Prozedura penalaren ondorioa ere faktore ukaezina izan da, azken finean alabaren ustezko delituzko jarduera bere erregealdian burutu zen.
2. Zer egin zitekeen egoera horren aurrean? Aukera berria eta paregabea zen monarkiaz hausnartzeko eta irtenbide demokratikoa emateko. Monarkia-demokrazia eztabaida talde politiko eta sozial desberdinek planteatu dute oso era sinplean baina garbian: nahiz eta estatu demokratiko batzuek monarkia izan estatu sistema, gizarte eta erregimen politiko demokratikoagoak lortzea posible da estatu horietan ere. Edozein estatuburu Koroaz betetzeak ez du zentzurik: talka egiten du arrazoi politiko eta filosofikoarekin eta pertsona guztion berdintasun printzipioarekin. Monarkia sistemak esparru ilun asko ditu eta ez dauka iluntasun hori argitzeko azalpenik. Baina, gainera, monarkiek herriaren legitimaziorik ez badute, Juan Carlos Borboikoarenak baditu beste bekatu batzuk: a) bere jatorria, Francok izendatua izan zelako, II. Errepublikaren aurka estatu kolpe militarra eman, gerra krudel eta diktatura gogorra ezarri eta gero. Eta ez dago esaterik bekatu hori 1978ko Konstituzioak garbitu zuenik, batetik, “trantsizioko ituna” iraganari beldurrez eta militarren presioz egin baitzen; bestetik, Konstituzioari baietza eman ziotenek ere, pakete oso bati eman ziotelako, eta azkenik, Francoren erregimen krudelaren aurka hitzik ere ez duelako esan bere erregealdian; b) gainera, monarkia zehatz honek badu bestelako legitimazio gabezia, jarduera zintzoak ematen duena: ez da inolako gardentasunik egon –ez diru kontuetan, ezta beste arloetan ere–; ez da inolako kontrol parlamentariorik egon –hau alderdi politiko nagusiei leporatu behar zaie, noski–, eta zentsura gogorra aplikatu da orain oso gutxira arte.
Bazegoen, bai, zer hausnartu eta zer erabaki. Baina alderdi politiko nagusiek ez dute nahi izan, estatua eta herria bide paralelo eta harremanik gabekoak bailiran. PSOEren erantzuna penagarria izan da: arima errepublikarra dutela esan eta monarkikoki jardun.
3. Eta ez dira horrekin konformatu, ez. Gainera, errege ohiari azken oparia egin diote: forudun bihurtu, inolako kargu publikorik ez duen herritarra. Hori edo herritar moduan erantzun behar izatea.
4. Borboikoek konpainia ederra eta eraginkorra izan dute orain arte, baina gero eta urrunago daude herriarengandik. Aukera ona galdu dute errege aldaketa estatuaren sistema aldatzeko. Hala ere, bai Katalunian eta bai hemen ere, aukera garbiak daude horretarako. Baina Espainiako herriak ez zuen horrelakorik merezi: erreferendum bat merezi zuen monarkia edo demokrazia aukeratzeko. Ni errege berria banintz, hau da, Espainiako Felipe VI.a, Gorteei eskatuko nieke horretaz galdetzea herriari. Baina horren logikoa dena ez da gertatuko, noski. Ez konpainia horrekin.
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