Erabakitze eskubidea, Kosovo eta Krimea
Askok idatzi dute Krimeako sezesio eta ondoren etorritako errusiar anexioaren aurka. Bereziki deseroso zeuden erabakitze eskubidearen alde agertzen zirenak. Elkarlotutako bi argudio nagusi aurkeztu dizkigute. Lehenengoa: errusiar ejertzitoaren presentzia aktiboa eta erreferendumaren exekuzio azkarra salatzen zituzten. Egia da, Krimeako erreferenduma plebiszitarioa izan da, hau da, aldez aurretik Krimeako Parlamentuak hartutako erabaki bat berresteko funtzioa baino ez zuen. Baina ez digutena kontatu da baldintza antzekoetan egin direla sezesio erreferendum gehienak azkeneko hamarkadetan. Halere, XX. eta XXI. mendeko historian ohikoena aldebakarreko independentzia aldarrikapena izan da (parlamentu ez demokratikoek ere bai).
Bigarren argudioa: Kosovo kasu oso desberdina da. Kosovoren alboan, Krimeako prozesua oso garbia izan da. Askok ahaztu nahi izan dute Kosovo militarki Mendebaldeak hartutako lurraldea dela NBEren babesik gabeko gerra operazio baten ondorioz. Ordutik 15 urtetako okupazio militarra dago indarrean. Hau gutxi balitz, Kosovon garbiketa etniko ia perfektua egin da serbiarrak eta gainontzeko gutxiengoak ia desagerraraziz.
Kosovon ez zuten erreferendumik egin, baina jakin badakigu bere populazioaren gehiengoa sezesioaren alde zegoela. Hori bai, 2010ean, Gallup enpresak eginiko inkestaren arabera, Kosovoko albaniarren %81ek Albania handiaren aldeko hautua egingo luke (Albania izan nahi dute). Mendebaldeko potentziek erabaki zuten Kosovo independente izatea, praktikan irredentismo kasua den arren (Ekialdeko Alemaniako kasua bezala, berezitasuna aurkitu eta justifikatzen da indarra baduzu, Errusiak egin duen bezala). Kosovo mendebaldeko potentziek kontrolatzen duten lur eremua da, bere autonomia eskasa da, independentzia bakarrik sumatu dezakete albanieraren nagusigo sozial eta administratiboagatik. Bestela, Kosovoko banderak baino gehiago ikusi daitezke albaniarrak, AEBetakoak, NATOkoak eta EBkoak. Euskal Herrian egiten den moduan eraikin publikoen aurreko hagetan jartzen dituzte.
Bestalde, Krimeako populazioak aspalditik nahi zuen Errusia izan berriro. 1993an bere burujabetasuna aldarrikatu eta erreferenduma egin zuen sezesio eta anexioaren aldeko gehiengo garbiekin, baina Jeltsin oso ahula zenez, akordio bat sinatu zuen autonomiaren truke. Halere, hurrengo urteetan Kiev eta Krimea arteko gatazkak hamarnaka konta daitezke. Tartean, 1995ean Ukrainako Parlamentuak indargabetu egin zuen Krimeako Konstituzioa eta presidente kargua.
Jason Sorens-ek sezesioaren inguruko liburuan oso ondo esplikatzen du mugimendu sezesionisten gaitasuna testuingurura egokitzeko, batzuetan autonomiaren alde eginez sezesiorako aukera politikorako egitura aproposa egon arte. Ukrainan estatu kolpea eman da eta errusiar hiztunen eta Krimeako eskualdearen kontrako keinu eta legeak onartu dituzte kolpistek. Horrelako baldintzek laguntzen dute sezesio prozesu bat, estatua krisi sakon batean dagoenean.
Arazoa da mendebaldeko herrialdeetan bizi garenok ez dugula tamaina horretako krisirik ezagutu. Horregatik bilakatu zen hain inportantea Kosovoko adibidea, mendebaldeak sustatutako kasua zelako. Halere, gure sezesio prozesuek ibilbide oso garbi eta erabat demokratikoa egin beharko dute helburua eskuratu nahi badute. Jakinik praktikan estatu batek erabakitze eskubidea baimentzen duenean oso zaila dela independentzia lortzea (Quebec). Baina, Espainia hain da baldarra, bere itxitasunean katalan herritar gehienek independentzian ikusten dutela irtenbide sinesgarri bakarra.
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