Yolanda Barcina would have imagined last week that, as a gunman who had to take the robbery and drive the car in the midst of a hail storm, he managed to reach the safe hiding spot, when the PSN learned that he will not support any motion of censure against him.

He got rid of it right away. The opposition has been held for four weeks and, by stepping the accelerator to the bottom, has guided the foral wheel by clenching the teeth, without worrying too much about the potential partners who might fall from the shooting that whistle on the ear, the corruption of the Goicoechea plot has made it mock in windshields, in the opposite direction and without light.

A complicated job.

But this is the case in some policies: the trade of suicide pilots. The calculations should be done precisely to hold the head over the neck. And when the former director of the Hacienda Navarra Idoia Nieves spread to the four winds the scandal of the interventions of Lourdes Goicoechea with the equation invented by Barcina.

He calculated that the hard days were coming to him, but also that once the storm had to appease him; that the important thing was that in the damage balance that followed the storm he did not become a political corpse. You might know that the ordago you had been taken out of the PSN had an expiry date. He also indicated that the decision would not be taken at the seat of the Navarros Socialists on the Paseo de Sarasate, but on Ferraz Street in Madrid.

I knew that the European elections were not too far away either, that the PSOE wants to win those votes before the siege of the Moncloa Palace began, and that, on the way to that victory, it would be an obstacle for many Spanish voters to stand hand in hand with Basque nationalists.

In other words, Barcina, even though he came out of the curb and risked hitting the tree, saw that he also had escapes.

As a crossdresser who has decided not to surrender, the president of Navarre went to the mountain and come and seek it, the justices. It seemed that yes, on this occasion the figure of the leader of the PSN, who was willing to participate in this type of smoothies would also be encouraged.

The government of UPN-PSN, which was established in 2011 and was moved in just twelve months, was far away. And it had been a year since the opposition tabled a motion of censure in April 2013 and Barcina managed to escape by the abstention of the Socialists. Bildu, Aralar-NaBai, Left-Ezkerra and Geroa Bai were involved in the case of Caja Navarra, which led them to ask the president of the entity. Those eighteen seats were too few in Parliament to win the nineteen from UPN and four from pp. And the nine PSN parliamentarians, in silence, not here or there.

Good, ugly and evil

There was no shortage of sinks to believe that this year was going to be different, it was quite clearly stated: “If Barcina does not dimite, the SNP will throw it out.” And what happened? Like the honest, ugly and evil man who gave the title to Western, there may be three hypotheses that explain what Jimenez did in the last month.

There has been a lack of coordination between the PSOE and the PSN, they have not been understood and I have given you my arm, you have held your hand. The proponents of this theory will tell you that both the PSN and the PSOE intended to commit a rotten ordago from the very beginning. It was about tightening the rope, to see if they could get Barcina to prioritize early elections in the face of the loss of the motion of censure – Miguel Sanz himself sang to the president the benefits of that election at the UPN executive committee meeting.

But Barcina has been bitten. And then chocolate: the Navarros already believed that the wager was more than pose and the Madrid people had to pull back the reins in the name of Rubalcaba, the party and the state, amen.

However, this reading seems simple. Let's go with the fea hypothesis to August of 2007. Many have preferred not to recall that seven years ago – it is easy to say – the PSOE made a similar move to the one it has repeated now, with the possibility of expelling UPN from the government on the table, without a ghost called Bildu.

The first time the tragedy, the second time the farce: the wise men have said it. In the last month's reading, Afrussians say that the understanding between UPN and PSOE comes from a long time ago, that Navarra is really a matter of state and although all relations have ups and downs, Ferraz is not here for many adventures. That there is nothing to do with the PSN, that there is not going to be, that it is forgotten, that it does not ask for miracles until the rest is 25 seats.

The bad option has to do with the position of Roberto Jiménez: it is known to whom the secretary general of the PSN slipped in 2012, when Carme Chacón and Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba fought for the leadership of the PSOE. We also know who won the fight. What we do not know is whether the humiliation suffered by Jiménez last week was a delay and a way of making him pay the interests of Chacón’s defence.

You may think of the PSOE that, after so many journeys, Jiménez is already depreciated. On the cover of the Diario de Navarra on 9 March, they were having fun with the baraje of the possible substitutes of Pitillasa. If the thief is hidden and little changed, the secretary general of the PSN would be better if he were put in the hands of a nurse that ugly wound on his side, because he might throw the bullet through his back. It is known if the shooting will not get infected to the match.

How many draws are left?

It would seem that Yolanda Barcina has emerged from this trap, which has partly restored the ability to mark the times of Navarre politics and which will not anticipate the elections until she deems it appropriate.

It's just the effect of adrenaline. You'll want to feel confident that you won't be put on your leg again, but how many flames, how many impossible escapes can someone make in their situation? How many scandals, due to corruption, can be brought to light in fifteen months? How long before number two of the party started fighting for the leadership of the band? How much, the opposition, the real, has grown more than was expected? They're questions for another movie. The Goicoechea case ends here, shaded in black.