When and how did the concern for Euskal Herria arise?

For 20 years, I worked in solidarity with Northern Ireland. On my visits to Ireland I met people from Euskal Herria, among others from Batasuna. So I met the casuistry of Euskal Herria. I began to take an active part in arrests against the Union National Bureau in Segura in 2007. That was a turning point for me. I met a lot of people who worked in solidarity with Euskal Herria, but we were all very lonely, except for a group in Berlin. In 2008 we created Friends of the Basque Country, with the help of people living in Germany, such as Ingo Niebel or Raúl Zelik.

What is the role of the Friends of the Basque Country in Germany?

We have a decentralized structure. I am the coordinator of the main activities, but the activities of the groups through Germany are independent. The main initiative is the Solidarity Day for the Basque People, which will be held this year from 4 to 13 April. For us the date is very important, as it is the day of the meeting of all the groups. This internationalist context enriches our activities.

Our goal is for people to know the political situation of Euskal Herria (repression, mobilizations on political prisoners, initiatives of the Basque Left…). In addition, we report social struggles, such as protests against the APR.

What knowledge is there in Germany about the Basque Country?

At the time of the armed struggle, the only knowledge was ETA. The end of the armed struggle and the new direction of the Abertzale left have given way to a new reality. Journalists and political parties are beginning to take an interest in the fight for civil and political rights. People are no longer wondering about terrorism, but about the political situation. The demonstration in Bilbao was also news in the German press; after the mobilization, visits to our website multiplied.

What view does the German Left have on the Basque Country process?

It can be said that on the German left there are two different sectors: on the one hand, there is an internationalist sector. They are in favour of the right of peoples to decide, they can be said to understand the struggles of national liberation, they accept the realities that exist in the Spanish State, such as the Catalan referendum. Another sector has a problem with the concept of nation, which confuses nationalism at the time of Nazism.

How do the new political situation in Euskal Herria live?

The new strategy of the Abertzale left has been a success, and in the progressive sector of Germany that development looks very positive. People see that dialogue is necessary, such as the rapprochement of prisoners to Euskal Herria… Our priority is to show our solidarity with the repression suffered by Euskal Herria.

The victims of both sides have begun to meet to tell their experiences. What importance do you think this issue has?

I know the case of Ireland, and that was where the difference was made between the first and second class victims. In Euskal Herria, the victims of one party, that is, the tortured victims, the victims of the GAL and those of the State apparatus, are not part of the story. The reports of the victims on both sides must be accepted in order to maintain peaceful coexistence; it is important to see how the history of the conflict is told. What has been said so far in Germany is the fight against terrorism.

In Germany, a number of politicians have supported the demand for prisoners' rights. Will they serve to move the state?

The strategy of the Abertzale left is based on the accumulation of forces of Basque society and the support of the international community. The latter reflected the fact that twelve international personalities with expertise in human rights signed the declaration of “Auf dem Weg zum Fried”. The Spanish State is being asked to take steps on the subject of political prisoners, and Klaudia Roth, a member of the German Greens, has also signed. These statements are little known, but they are important enough to put pressure on the State.

Arnaldo Otegi says in his book that the only thing that moves the state is that the costs of immobilism are paid high in the political sphere. The State uses prisoners for divisions within the movement. In Ireland, it can be said that something similar happened. In 2001, several prisoners were released, but in the meantime the peace process was constantly being fought, among other things by the military.

Is the rise of the extreme right a sign of state weakness? How do you see that from Germany?

The Spanish State is a prisoner of his speech. Externally, he wanted to show that "there is no political conflict" and that "there is nothing but a terrorist organisation that attacked the state and the citizens". With the new process and the expression of EPPK, people can take another idea. It is therefore obliged to develop other political arguments. I guess he's afraid of the far-right. A comparison can be made with Germany. The propaganda of the Nazi regime was part of democratic life. An example of this is racism, because the far-right used this argument to win votes. Some conservative parties do not want to combat racism, because they fear that votes will go to the extreme right, but at the same time reinforce this sector. I think something similar is happening in Spain.