Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

Independentzia prozesuak 2014an

Deskolonizazio prozesuak alde batera utzita, historikoki estatu independente berrien sorrera gerren ondorioa izan da nagusiki, horrek ez du esan nahi denak independentzia gerrak izan direnik. Adibidez, I. Mundu Gerraren emaitzetako bat estatu berri askoren jaiotza izan zen zenbait inperioren desagertzeari esker.

Ezegonkortasun garaiak behar dira independentzia eskuratzeko. Gerra izan daiteke ezegonkortasunaren adierazlerik hoberenetakoa. Baina zer gertatzen da herrialde bat politikoki eta sozioekonomikoki egonkorra bada? Posible ote da Mendebaldeko demokrazia-liberal egonkor batetik independizatzea? Zaila da itsasoz beste aldeko lurrak ez badira subjektua. Oso kasu historiko gutxi ditugu eskura. Irlanda eta Islandiaren independentziak bereziak izan ziren bi uharte direlako, hala ere, lehenengoak independentzia gerra bat behar izan zuen eta biek munduko gerra baten erdian gauzatu zuten prozesua.

Testuinguru baketsuan, Mendebaldeko herrialde demokratiko batean gauzatutako independentzia bakarra Norvegiakoa izan zen 1905ean. Baina, kasu berezia izan zen ere bai. Jatorrizko estatua Suedia eta Norvegia arteko konfederazioa zen. Horri erantsi dakioke erreferendumaren emaitza: %85,4ko parte-hartzearekin independentziaren aldeko botoak %99,95.

Gauzak horrela, sezesionismoa Mendebaldeko herrialde demokratiko liberaletan ia gauzatu gabeko esperientzia da (Quebecen bi saiakera egin zituzten). Horregatik, 2014rako Eskozian eta Katalunian iragarri diren erreferendumek inflexio puntu bat markatu dezakete. Espainiako Estatua eta Erresuma Batua “demokrazia” kontsolidatuak eta NATOko kideak dira. Azken horrek garrantzia du ere bai. Gustuko izan ala ez, errealitatea da independentzia prozesu gehienak gutxienez nazioarte mailako potentzia batek sustatu edota babestu dituela arrazoi geoestrategikoengatik. Beraz, ez dirudi kasualitatea NATOko kideen artean sezesiorik gertatu ez izanak.

Independentismoa Katalunian indartsuagoa da Eskozian baino, baina Eskoziak erreferenduma adostu du Londresekin, beraz, herriak horrela nahi badu independenteak izango dira. Aldiz, Katalunian ziurrenik ez da kontsultarik egingo Madrilek ez duelako baimenduko, ondorioz, lehenago baino beranduago hauteskunde plebiszitario batzuen aurrean egongo gara. Eskoziak independentziari baietza ematen badio, azkar egingo dira hauteskundeak Katalunian, baina ezezkoa ematen badio 2015 edo 2016ra arte itxaron beharko da. Hauteskundeak zerrenda independentista batek irabaziko balitu, munduko herrialde gehienek independentzia lortzeko erabili duten formula berdina erabiliko lukete: alde bakarreko independentziaren aldarrikapena. Hurrengo egunetik aurrera Espainiak ez lituzke zergak jasoko Katalunian, baina, Espainiako Estatuak independentzia onartuko ez balu, Kataluniari “dagokion” zorraren partea berea izaten jarraituko luke. Orain Espainiak zor hori ordaintzeko lanak baditu, Kataluniak ekoizten duen espainiar ekonomiaren ia %20rik gabe ezinezkoa izango luke.

Egoera horren aurrean, Europar Batasunetik (EB) eta Alemaniatik presio ikaragarriak iritsiko litzaizkioke Espainiari Kataluniaren independentzia negoziatzeko. Horrela, Kataluniak zorraren parte bat hartu eta bideragarriagoa egingo luke zorraren ordainketa. Jatorrizko estatuan (Espainian) ezegonkortasuna (sozioekonomikoa eta politikoa) eta kanpo potentzien interesak (zor ordainketa) uztartu egingo lirateke Kataluniako kasuan, sezesioa gauzatzeko eredu zaharra, baina mendebaldeko eta NATOko herrialde batean.

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