Politically, spring is the most propitious time for mobilization and protest. This year, too, has failed, as has the time, but it has arrived. This time the spark comes to us from the Balkans, from Istanbul. The protests in defence of the Gezi Park were responded to by the brutal repression that the Turkish state has accustomed us to. As a result, a occupy style protest movement (occupation of public spaces) has been born that has not been expected.

Mobilisation in Turkey is complex, but it is no exception. After all the occupy movements, the discourses of all kinds have come together against the political system or the welfare crisis. In Turkey, the British Prime Minister, Erdogan, is in an air of superiority. Under his leadership, the reformist project of the Islamdar-Democrats was launched: democratisation, the proliferation of neoliberal measures and the recovery of the Ottoman framework of international influence.

Since Erdogan’s inauguration in 2003, Turkey has experienced significant economic growth and has become a more important player internationally. The result of these successes is the electoral boom of the Erdogan party (AKP): In 2002 34.28% of the votes, in 2007 46.66% and in 2011 49.83%. But as his strength expands, Erdogan loses shame. Accusations of authoritarianism have found ground thanks to the new Constitution that will enter into force in 2014. Turkey becomes a presidential system, so if Erdogan becomes a member of the White House he could widen power.

On the other hand, in international politics, Erdogan has manifested its contradictions with Israel and Syria. However, it cannot be denied that it has spread its influence. Elections have been held in Albania and demonstrations have been held in favour of and against Erdogan during the campaign. There have also been demonstrations in the former colonies of Bulgaria and Bosnia-Hercegovina. But in these cases, it was internal affairs that prompted the protests. In Bulgaria, political corruption and poverty have been reported for months, while in Bosnia the phenomenon is new.

All children born in Yugoslavia since 1977 are assigned a Personal Identification Number thirteen (MWC). This makes it possible to carry out administrative procedures and apply for a passport. At present, Yugoslavia is in force in all traditional countries, except in Croatia, where it was amended in 2009. The fact is that parliamentarians (mostly in the hands of nationalist Bosnian Muslims and their allies), following the Croatian nationalist move, abandoned the JMBG code and accepted the new one. But, in response, the Bosnian-Serb nationalists resorted to the law in considering that they wanted a separate and differentiated code for the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and the Republic of Serbia. The Constitutional Court has suspended the application of the new code of conduct of the State Lawyer. Consequently, children born are not allocated any number until agreement is reached between the different institutions. For this reason, a three-month-old boy in critical condition was unable to travel to Germany to recover from his illness. Finally, because of the protests, he got the passport, but apparently too late, as he has passed away. Meanwhile, the protest movement in Bosnia is gradually spreading. The movement has denounced the corruption and political paralysis it suffers, on the pretext of struggles between nationalisms. It is a late but warm political spring in the Balkans.