In the last release of prisoners EPPK 59 nothing has been said that so far this group has not said or acknowledged in one way or another. The main messages of the Abertzale left are that the armed struggle is over, that it shares the new strategy of the Abertzale left and that it recognizes the damage caused. But the greatest public uncertainties of the EPPK faded in September 2011, when the EPPK signed the Gernika Agreement, making it clear what it thought about the armed struggle, the peace process and the victims. From then on, other comments and activities are expected and announced.
Some would like to transfer the cement position of the Government of Madrid to the roof of the prisoners, now the solution to the conflict in La Moncloa, as if it were in Herrera de la Mancha or Fresnes. But no, the effort is too sudden and awkward, impenetrable in the sieve of the current Basque society. But in Spain, yes, and the pp has put his trench there, without despair of the humanity of the prisoners and their relatives.

The Abertzale left would probably want more steps, but the idea of collective unity over the speed of the process prevails. In other words, what happened with the First Union. In this idea of cohesion, journalists and political analysts such as Imanol Murua and Ramón Sola, in Berria and Gara, respectively, deepen. Murua says something was expected about individual exits: “In the end, however, the expression has not come to be explicitly confessed, despite the fact that it has left the door open for this, surely to follow the approach that has been given priority throughout the process: better slow and united, faster and divided”.

It only prioritizes two messages, the prisoners' commitment to exclusively political means and the fact that this has been done jointly: “The collective now does its Zutik Euskal Herria, its great internal strategic debate. The rest, the so-called “execution”, will come later and will be a logical consequence of the approved line”. Whether or not we agree with the prisoners, their expression has always been important, especially in the sociological space of the left

Abertzale and almost holistically in large groups. And, even if it is not tender, it is time for them to participate more and more in reading and, therefore, in resolving the new political situation.

Its public action, however, is further diluted between two great dialectics: on the one hand, freedom and the need to participate and, on the other, the use that the State makes of the free practice of prisoners for repression. As the situation relaxed, it would be logical that this dialectic should also be made more flexible and that the issue of prisoners should serve, rather than for blocking and political use, to take a significant step in the process.

Without amnesty, the Abertzale left has long cried out that there is no peace and, perhaps, now more than before, the phrase takes the most sincere sense. Amnesty is not possible for the systemic forces; amnesty is a situation that will not regenerate prison conditions: it will become a bubble and be expanded as it allows each one to work for peace. To overcome this barrier, the unilaterality of the Abertzale left is not the main problem of the moment, that the thrust is in the hands of pp and that has returned the prisoners more captive than ever before. But society will hardly win peace if that is not resolved, and society wants peace to be completed, especially now, when it finally sees it as possible. After all, the foolishest knows that coexistence, without redressing that of prisoners and victims, is an unresolved issue.