I believe that the terrible development of the crisis in which many economists in the world live in dramatic dance has not caught us all without realizing it. Instead of putting the right color to what was seen with vulgar eyes, the world’s “mandams,” along with the intangible gurus of the economy, built a false scenario based on their political and financial interests. Of course, they are, conversely, proportional to the lasting well-being of the ordinary citizens of the world.

In the spiral of cataclysm that we are experiencing, the case of Germany, which has become the spiritual and economic leader of the European Union, is interesting. And it must be acknowledged that, thanks to its own merits, it has become the first European power, since it is the one that has best designed the state industrial strategy in the last sixty years to deal with the destructive wave that we have created those of Western civilisation. Germany established strong columns for its industrial structure over the disfigured material and animic solar that inherited the Second War.

Germany was destroyed in 1945 and, as if it were not enough, its allies divided the State as a spoils of war. But the Germans strengthened democracy to give the last point to the age of the crazy leaders, and gave priority to the social and economic infrastructure to regain the leadership of the developed countries of the old Europe. Far from the blinding orthodoxies of capitalism and communism, Germany positioned itself in favour of the social economy. Economic policy clearly focused on the need for public aid for all Germans. However, the importance given to competitiveness in order to be free of sterile monolitisms.

It did not vibrate the pulses to the authorities – Adenauer, Erhard… – in setting higher taxes on those who had the most. Social justice required an equitable distribution of wealth. But the Germans knew that they had to focus their development in Europe, with the support of the European market. One of the first bricks in the building of the United Europe was that of the Germans, with the French hand always ready to help. The two states were clear that, sooner or later, the Bonn–Paris axis would support the European economy. And so they left. All right, all right. Meanwhile, the rest of the states followed the train of the economy as they could. Some have stupid short-term approaches.

Today, however, it has become a great question of how far the agents believed in the great idea of United Europe. Cultural and sociological roots are very different, so it is not possible to think that in the beginning there would be no one willing to sacrifice secular reality. The different languages, uses and customs are very far from each other. In this scenario, the economy also played with different resources and bets. And, as it usually happens, the best planned projects were those of the senses.

They do not see their near future in the same way. Those who looked up at the sun have a harder solution than those who did their homework better. And what happens to Germany is that once the economic and social cost of regrouping the state seems to be outweighed, that having to help other European states does not make it a good thing. It no longer needs the other Europeans.