The political memory of President Ibarretxe is subtitled by Koldo Ordozgoiti’s book Futoa Gurea: “It’s what I wrote, but the thought is of the president, of course. In 1999, Juan José Ibarretxe told me that he wanted to address his political memories, but he didn’t want to do it in the first person. It is a reflection of a specific trajectory from 1994 to 2010. It's not a story, it's a prospective book. We have combined official documents from that time, the voices of politicians and historical facts. Dr. Ibarretxe was born at the time of his dissertation and several reflections are collected from his dissertation through interviews with him on purpose. In them Idoia Zenarruzabeitia, Miren Azkarate, Joseba García Bengoetxea and Xabier Gabilondo have helped me”.
The book was completed on September 11. After the last ETA truce on September 5: “The current thinking of Ibarretxe is wrapped up. It confirms that the decision depends on the Basque society and that it is up to the Basque political forces to channel the conflict. It considers it essential to base the process on human ethical principles. He says that the path of reconciliation must be invariably broken, but that the key is to recognize the right to decide.”
The first part is called “Making President.” However, you begin by recounting the incident of February 1, 2005.
The section begins with the phrase “The future is ours,” the President’s phrase. He said this in Spanish at the Spanish Congress. This concept often appears in the book, which gives substance to the book: “The future depends on the decision of this country.”
How would you summarize the trajectory and political capital of Juan José Ibarretxe?
It is a journey in honesty. From the very beginning he had very clear in his way the concept that politics is for the service of society and that the foundations of politics are in the person. He's had clear ideas since he was vice president. From 1999 to 2009 he held the position of President, a career in which he did not move along the lines that had initially been torn.
This historic event of the Congress took place in the middle of its mandate. Would you remember the moment?
Zapatero was the president. The Basque Government approved the first Statute, the New Political Statute of the Basque Country, called the Ibarretxe Plana. The path provided for in the Constitution was not broken. The President says that another will be used and discussed, whether to accept it or not: “I have come now, others have come before, and others will come in the future,” he says at the Spanish Congress. Because it means: this country will always be waiting for the right to decide its own future to be accepted.
At the beginning of Ibarretxe, the Treaty of Ajuria Enea was in force: “The covenant today would be subversive,” he says in the book.
Ibarretxe reminds us that the Socialist Party and the Popular Party broke the treaty. The PP first follows the PSOE, forced by it. The Treaty distinguishes between violence and political normalization. All the signatories insist that the conflict is political, as well as that the decision must be taken in the political sphere, within the Basque society. That the way to end the violence would be between the state and ETA. However, the PP and the PSOE set out on the path that would lead to the Law of the Parties. Denying the political conflict, suggesting that the ETA issue be ended by victory.
Aznar’s PP later took over the Spanish government. The agreement to support his investiture is worth remembering. There is a certain will of Aznar. Then came the time of the Lizarra-Garazi Agreement.
Ibarretxe, as Vice-President, was tasked with organising the structure of the new government, renewing its functioning in times of crisis. When Aznar came to power, it was up to Ibarretxe to work out a political-economic agreement with the PP – at the request of Arzalluz, head of the EBB of the PNV and President Ardanza – and they agreed to the investiture between the PNV and the PP. There are two concepts: the framework of the economy and the internal assumptions. The deal was closed, but other components were introduced in 20 hours. The technical committee meets, only to be signed, but something else has happened in the powers of the State. Among other things, there are negotiations between Aznar and ETA in 1998. Apparently there are different games in the PP government at the time. However, after the suspension of the ceasefire by ETA, Aznar adopted a concrete policy aimed at removing patriotism from the Government. Up until then, the president and Aznar had spoken, although Aznar had said some things publicly and everyone else in the house.
In the Lizarra-Garazi Agreement, the Union signed the Mitchell Principles. There was no mention of it today...
Imagine when the Mitchell principles are and when they were mentioned in the peace process in the Basque Country. They were signed two years after the agreement between the PNV, EA and EH. The essential ingredient was and is: When ETA cancelled the ceasefire of the Lizarra-Garazi period, using the words of the president, “the delegation of the patriotic left led by Arnaldo Otegi surrendered to these principles.” It was the same in Loyola’s interviews. Unlike now, it seems.
Could it be said that there have been three main political positions to channel the Basque conflict and the future of this country?
There are three positions, but among them Ibarretxe considers ETA’s position to be past, meaningless. What makes all the political sense for him is this: in the future of this country all the Basque forces and social spectrums are concentrated, and at the same time there are authorities. On the one hand there are the Spanish Government and state institutions, and on the other there are the Basque institutions, the Government and the Parliament. The President has always said that “we are not going to Madrid with one of our projects, we have gone to defend projects that had the support of the Government and Parliament”. Although the media have made the New Political Statute of the Basque Country known as the Ibarretxe Plana, the Statute is a political will represented by the majority of Parliament.
Ibarretxe always preferred the Basque Parliament. The tendency of the other parties, especially the PSOE, to gather in hotels is evident in the book.
Ibarretxe publicly criticized the PSOE. From 2002 to 2008 it was very common for their views to appear in the media or in hotel press conferences and not in Parliament. This has to do with the debate on the New Statute, which the socialist party denied. The socialist party did not participate in the debate on the New Statute. Instead, he made several proposals that were forgotten, such as the Statute of Emilio Guevara, which remained there after being presented in a hotel.
For a moment, Ibarrretxe reproaches Patxi López that “denial and rejection have always united the PP and the PSOE, not the affirmation of something”.
These are said at the time of another process: The PSOE-Government-ETA relationship. It should be remembered that the vote on the New Political Statute of the Basque Country took place in Parliament in 2005. Jesús Egiguren and Arnaldo Otegi were violating another path that ended in relations between the government and ETA. The president mentions that the path of the New Statute was not opened, but that Zapatero and the socialist party expanded the Union and the other type of relationship with ETA. At that time very strange statements were made, the names and surnames of the authors are in the Hemeroteca –they are still working in the current policy-; they said: “What the President is proposing does not make sense, but another way can be opened, such as negotiating with the nationalist left.” He also told Aznar and Zapatero what he had said to Lopez. Ibarretxe proposed the road to Downing Street, the need to work on a political solution. Instead of addressing the political issue with the Government, the State Government preferred to address a different path.
While Ibarretxe was working on the democratic consultation, the State preferred to negotiate with ETA.
At certain times, the PSOE and the government have preferred to take another path, not the path between all the forces in Parliament, which should ultimately be negotiated in the Spanish Congress. That had strange moments. The Wings of Loioala by Imanol Murua Uria are very well reflected in the recommended book: the last negotiations were not concluded in Loiola and the ETA ceasefire did not end with the T-4 explosion at Madrid airport. There were other negotiations between the Socialist Party, the Union and ETA. Interviews in Geneva, among others. It should be noted that the Geneva process was broken on the eve of the municipal elections. That also explains other things.
The ones we live in today, in a different way.
The Geneva elections were held on 21 May 2007, and on 28 May 2007 municipal and provincial elections were held. The official breakdown of the ETA ceasefire occurred on June 5, two weeks later, although it was de facto broken earlier. Then Ibarretxe made a reflection to draw a law. However, a new era began in Parliament, which already began in Aznar’s time, when the strategy that Aznar proposed in June 1998 was elaborated through the media. He told the media: “The strategy and goal is to overthrow nationalism.” The strategy was developed with the PSOE to allow the Spanish parties to have a majority and to remove the nationalist parties from the government. With some exceptions, such as La Vanguardia, in most of the mainstream media it is written as follows: “It is not the candle of the fierce that the cura of an immediate but applied form in circumstances that lead us to ...”. All these journalists were present at the same press conference in Hong Kong.
It is curious that the PP used to act on Basque politics during international travel during the government.
This is one of the characteristics. It appears in the strategy between Redondo Terreros and Mayor Oreja. The strategy failed in the UAE elections of 2001, but as a result, in the face of what Ibarretxe proposed, they said:“The Basque society is not mature, but we will improve the alternative.” So they decided to draw up the Law of the Parties, to sue the Parliamentary Bureau and the President and with him Arnaldo Otegi, Fernando Barrena, Patxi López and Rodolfo Ares. This led to the application of the Law of the Parties in different situations. In 2005, for example, to prohibit the candidacy of All Options, but to open the door to the HKSAR. This was the initial path, and for a moment they decided that some lists were legal and others were not, the case of the ANV. These coincide with the time of the negotiations. In the last elections, it was decided that none of them would be present, so that in 2009 the Spanish party would have a majority in the Basque Parliament.
The People’s Consultation proposed by Ibarretxe suffered a failure in some way. He was also a loser in some way.
From where you look. Scotland is on this path. In the case of Scotland, the content of the question was raised. In Scotland it has not materialized and in this year’s elections they will see if they raise it or not. There is a sentence in our country that says “it can’t be done.” The President said that “sooner or later the consultation will take place”. How many years from now? The route is traced in this direction: the future is ours. Here a path was broken and stopped at other points. The New Political Statute of the Basque Country has been approved by an absolute majority in the Basque Parliament. The procedure is not approved in the Spanish Congress, but it is there. The President says that Parliament cannot impose anything on Congress, but neither can the other way around. The consultation has been resolved by the Constitutional Court, but the sentence imposed has to do with the Catalan case, with several sentences handed down on the State. The President said that the road has been blocked for many years, but one day it will be blocked.
Do you see Ibarretxe as president again?
I don't have anything to say about that. At the end of the book he says: “I said things that I needed to say in my home and where I belong, in Parliament.”
“Txema Monteroren hitzak hartuko ditut abiapuntutzat nire iritzia emateko: ‘Jaurlaritza honen politika ezerezean bizitzeko modua da, bizi nahi eta ezin bizi’. Lopezen gobernuak hartutako bideak izaera hori eman dio: airean dabilen erakundea da, zonbi bat. Ez dago bizirik baina iraungo du legealdia. Gobernu honi osaeraren beraren jatorritik datorkio izaera. Hauteskundeak galdu zituen PSE-EEk gobernua hartu zuen, beste galtzaile (PP) baten babesarekin. Jaurlaritza honek funtsezko politiketan, ekonomian nola baketze alorrean, ezin du erabakirik hartu. PP eta PSE lehenagoko Jaurlaritzaren politikaren kontra jotzeak batzen ditu. Jaurlaritza hau ahula da, besteak beste, Zapatero presidenteari beharra iristen zaionean, legealdian irauteko, Estatuko aurrekontuak EAJrekin ziurtatu behar izan dituelako. Zapaterok babesa behar izan duenean Jaurlaritzaren aurrean agerian geratu da. PSE-PP misto horren bidez, Lopezek agintean segitzen du baina ahituta, politika egiteko gaitasunik gabe. Bere gobernua zonbia da”.
Gernikako Akordioaren ostean, ETAren eta ezker abertzalearen ibilbideari buruzko ikuspegia eman digu Koldo Ordozgoitik
Ezker abertzale tradizionalaren barruan ibilbide berria zabaldu da: erabaki politikoa berea izatea erabaki du. Sortu alderdia legeztatzeko estatutuak aurkeztu aurretik, euskal gizartearen aurrean adierazitakoa oso esanguratsua da: “Biolentziaren ibilbidea bukatu da eta aurrerantzean politikaren bidean soilik arituko gara”, alegia.
Horrek ETAk egiten duena haren gainean geratzea ekarriko du. ETAk zor dio herri honi bere jarduera bukatzea eta ezker abertzale tradizionalak hartu duen bide hori zabaltzen laguntzea. Noski, bidean koskak daude beti. Hau dena hauteskundeen garaian gertatzen ari da. Ezker abertzale tradizionalak, batetik bere indarrak metatu nahi ditu eta ibilbide politiko soila urratu nahi du, baina bi plano horien nahasketa momentu honetan ez da erraza. Politikaren bi planoen nahasketak beste faktore batzuk sartzen ditu ibilbidean.
Bere ibilbide propioa egiteko hartu duen jarrera begi-bistako da, baina lehenago aipatutako horrek kontraesanak sortzen dizkio beste esparru batzuetan. Esaterako, Frantziako Limogesen izandako tiroketa larria da, erakunde armatuaren barruan norabide horretan ez doan zerbait dago. ETAk alde politikoa atakan jarri du eta adierazpen politikoa ondo egitera behartu, izan ere, alde politikoak gertatua ondo zehaztu behar du. Orduan, iraganaren errepikapen kutsua badago gauza batzuetan. Dena den, nik espero dut gauzak ezker abertzaleak erabaki duen bidetik joatea. Iñigo Iruinek Auzitegi Goreneko Aretoan esan zituen hitzek berresten duten bidetik segitzea”.
Koldo Ordozgoiti Ibarretxe lehendakariari buruz
Juan Jose Ibarretxe ogibidez ekonomialaria da, ibilbide luzea egin du hainbat alorretan: hala herrigintzan nola administrazioko hainbat arlotan. Bere ikuspegi ekonomikoaren funtsa eremu horretan jartzen du, funts hori pertsonarengan oinarritzen du. Liburuan agerikoa da hori, arlo hori bere doktore tesian zabal sakondu du. Hau da, aurrera begira giza garapenaren kontzeptuak eta horren beharrak funtsezkoa direla dio: printzipio etikoa eta demokratikoa eta giza garapen iraunkorra. Balore etikoak, bakezko bideak eta bide politikoak beharrezkoak ikusten ditu eta hauekin erabakitzeko eskubidea; pertsona nahiz herri bezala. Ekonomia eta politika giza garapen iraunkorrarekin lotzen ditu, baita pertsona eta gizarte kontzeptuarekin ere. Horiek dira beraren politikaren eta bizitzaren ardatza. Bere ibilbidean oso markatua daude ildo horiek. Halaber, berdintasunaren alde egiteko, bere proposamenean emakumezkoen eta gizonezkoen aukera berdina aldarrikatzen du.
“Arnaldo Otegiren jarrera eta ibilbide politikoa errespetuz hartzen ditu Ibarretxek”
ETAk Madrilgo T-4ko atentatua egin ondoren jokoz kanpo geratu zen Zapatero, baita neurri batean ezker abertzalea ere. Lizarra-Garaziko Akordio garaian ere Arnaldo Otegiri eta ezker abertzaleren buruzagitzari antzeko gauza bat gertatu zitzaion ETArekin. Orduan, une batean, ezker abertzaleak Eusko Jaurlaritzarekin kale borrokari babesa guztiz kentzea hitzartu zuen. Horren inguruan 1999ko irailean egindako adierazpenetan egunkarietan jasota daude; goizean –manifestazio baten ondoren– eta arratsaldean –EHen prentsa ohar baten bitartez–. Igandean baina, ETAk su-etena amaitutzat jotzen zuen agiria kaleratu zuen. Garai hartan sinatu ziren Euskal Herrian Mitchell printzipioak lehendabiziko aldiz, baina ezker abertzalea gauza batean ari zen, eta beste batzuk [ETA] beste batean. Antzeko gauza errepikatu zen Loiolako negoziazioetan urte batzuk geroago.
Ibarretxe lehendakariak dena den, Arnaldo Otegiren jarrera eta ibilbide politikoa errespetuz hartzen ditu, politikari prestutzat dauka. Bere ustez, espetxean egotea bidegabekeria da.
Juan Jose Ibarretxek Pasqual Maragallen inguruan esana
Liburuan Ibarretxek eta Maragallek izandako hiru elkarrizketa daude, bik berdinak dirudite, baina bi une ezberdinetan izan ziren, esanguratsuak biak. Lehendakariak kontatzen duenez, PSOEren ibilbidean Zapaterok sarritan aipatu du España plural delakoa, baina horren bukaeran Magarallek hauxe dio: “Nik federalismoaren bataila ez dut PPren aurka galdu, nire etxean baizik”. Zoritxarrez, Kataluniako eta Euskadiko estatutuen erreformak bidean geratu ziren. Baina ibilbideen hasierak hemen izan ziren. Ibarretxeren -Eusko Jaurlaritzaren- jarduera politikoak mugitu zuela status quoa. Liburua egitean, Maragallek esan zituenak Ibarretxerekin hitz egin ondoren prentsan esanak daudela jabetu naiz. Kataluniako Generalitateko presidenteak hauxe zioen, -memoriaz ari naiz-: “Euskaldunek beren bidea daukate. Guk ere gure ibilbidea planteatzen dugu Estatuan, egoki egoteko eta erabakitzeko”. Neurri batean Maragallek bide hori planteatzen zuen, baina argi dago ere, bide hori neurri handi batean PSOEren baitan bukatua dela. Nire interpretazioa besterik ez da, noski, baina Ibarretxe lehendakariak eta Maragall president-ak izan zuten harremana eta elkarren eragina nabarmena dira. Maragallek esaten duena oso esanguratsua da. Esanguratsua den bezala, orain bertan Katalunian dagoen eztabaida. Apirilaren 10an burutu zen herri galdeketa Bartzelonan. Artur Mas Generalitateko Presidenteak bozkatu egin zuen eta egun CiUko kide eta Generalitateko bozeramaileak Francesc Homs jaunak eta CiUko Oriol Pujolek “guk erabakitzeko eskubidearen aldeko apustu egiten dugu” diote.
Artur Mas eta Juan Jose Ibarretxe. Bi lehendakari, bi ibilbide, amets bat: herrien erabaki eskubidea. Kataluniakoa nola doan azaldu zuen Masek, hemengorako bere klabeak Ibarretxek. Eta atzoko Kursaalen Joxe Elorrietaren izpiritua falta zen.
Kataluniako prozesua eta erabakitzeko eskubidea hizpide izango dute gaur arratsaldean Juan Jose Ibarretxe lehendakariak eta Artur Mas Kataluniako presidenteak Donostiako Kursaalen. Hitzaldiaren leku guzti beteta dagoenez, 19:00etatik aurrera zuzenean jarraitzeko aukera izango da... [+]
30 DECEMBER 2004, the Basque Parliament approved the Ibarretxe Plan with three essential votes – three to three sides – of Batasuna, although it showed clear opposition to it in the previous weeks and months. The surprise was of great magnitude in Basque society and also in... [+]
Juan Jose Ibarretxe EAEko lehendakari ohia, Gemma Zabaleta PSEko kide eta Gizarte Politiketarako sailburu ohia, eta Floren Aoiz Sorturen Iratzar Fundazioko zuzendaria bildu ditu Gure Esku Dago ekimenak Bilbon antolatutako mahai-inguruak. Erabakitzeko eskubidearen alde agertu... [+]