At the beginning, we mentioned to Eneko Oregi the curiosity of the name Elevabat: “The parties have classical and solemn names. The Elevabat (H1!) It expresses the idea of uniting people, as well as breaking with ‘seriousness’. It took a while, but we got used to it, it was a success.”

 

The H1 has just held its General Assembly. What is the consequence of the first year?

We have managed to turn what was a gang into a party through debate, we have formed a serious party through the creation and organization of new ideas. It's the H1! it is not at all connected, but born to cultivate an open, lively and wide-ranging debate. People are approaching us in many villages, the results and experiences are optimistic.

Where is H1 located? ?

Without a doubt, within the framework of democratic and institutional patriotism. These enclosures and the legacy of José Antonio Agirre and Manuel Irujo are our historical references. This expression is diverse, composed of different sensitivities. We may have different opinions about the policy to be carried out, but H1!It is particularly linked to the humanist, progressive and democratic tradition.

How do you evaluate the final document between the Patriotic Left and EA?

The document presented by the Nationalist Left and EA in the Euskalduna Palace shows two things: one, that the document has been substantiated by the discourse of the Nationalist Left, not EA. The EA has aligned itself with the historical line of the patriotic left and not the other way around. Two: that being said, we see it well to unite and structure this political sector. This sector or political tradition is not ours, we are not in this area of philosophy and/or ideology, but we think it is good to organize this sector, it is good for the Basque Country that this sector wants to make policy.

On the road to political normalization, how do you evaluate the document of the Basque Country’s Patriotic Left?

The nationalist left still needs to take a few steps in this direction. Not nominalist steps, I’m not saying which word the nationalist left should use and which should not. The problem is not that – although some of the terms he has expressed in the final documents are incomprehensible, and the words should not be a problem for those of us who talk about politics – but that, in addition to the nominalist debates, the nationalist left still thinks, I do not know in what time frame, that the existence of ETA and the nationalist left are compatible. That's the problem. We believe, however, that all political discussions must be undertaken with respect for the will of our people. If we Patriots do not accept that our people have the last word, that the whole people, the political expression that belongs mainly to the people, we will do nothing. The people’s political declaration on violence has been clear for a long time, but we have not yet seen the nationalist left come to this conclusion. And in that we have to be demanding, it’s not a whim. H1! thinks that we must be strict on this point because it is the will of our people. In addition to the nationalist left, the position of ETA has not been clarified. It is said that ETA will soon reveal its position, but it has not. These manifestations are lacking, unconditional and definitive, to say that we are in a process of normality, and to the extent that they are lacking, it will not be possible to reconcile positions in a period of time.

We are not in the process.

It doesn't look like it. When the Nationalist Left says that there is a lack of declarations to start the process, such as the abolition of the Law on Political Parties and the approximation of prisoners to the Basque Country, when it puts certain preconditions, it somehow indicates that the process will not start immediately. In the meantime, we will only see the will for the process. And our people do not want to see the will of the process, they want peace.

What do you think of the Nationalist Left’s explanation of the attack on the Salvadoran Army?

The Nationalist Left sometimes seems to be regressing. For example, there were much more severe attacks on past processes than the Old Man. When the nationalist left [EH] signed a parliamentary pact with Ibarretxe, the street struggle was very violent, but its attitude was more clear than it is now. His attitude after the Aguraingo has made me think badly, because his attitude has been temperate or fearful. Although not terribly serious, the attack has been in complete violation of the Mitchell Principles. And these principles are the foundation. That the violation was not serious? All right, all right. But who can say that he will not take a similar position in the face of a more serious attack. The nationalist left has missed a good opportunity to give a more understandable answer.

In this context, what do you think of Egiguren’s attitude towards the nationalist left?

The Socialist Party is used to saying one thing and doing another. All indications are that the socialist party wants to be present together in all spheres: in anti-terrorist politics, building bridges with the PP, with the nationalist left to expand the process of normalization, it wants to take advantage of the defeat of ETA electorally, as well as to carry out the interviewed solution. The desire to act together on these paths in politics is not wise. Egiguren may have a lot of information, but he hasn't told us once what his bet is based on. I fear that, looking at the peace and normalization process, we are not facing a situation of a long year: neither peace nor war, neither normalization nor abnormality, neither dialogue nor incommunication, in a grey and confusing situation. These situations do not bring anything good to our society or the people, and especially to patriotism.

How do you assess the Basque Government's one-year policy?

The government is being devalued by the PSE every day. His performance is getting slower. Since the start of the legislature, it has passed four or five low-content laws: The law to declare the Day of Euskadi, for example. In terms of management, we can only see the mediocre monitoring of Zapatero by the López government, as well as how quickly the government has become indebted. Half a year ago it was in a relatively good economic situation and now it is in negative numbers. The socialist party is completely dependent on the PP. On the sensitive issue of identity, the PP marks the way to the government of López. This government has not built anything but divided and confronted society. The town is disarticulating and crashing.

PSOE, also tries with EAJ. The budgets of the Basque Parliament are approved by both. What do you think of the opposition?

The PNV has gone from making a disorderly opposition to making it orderly in all fields. In the field of education, health, culture, administration... it is becoming more and more solid. The PNV is governing in the three deputies and must necessarily agree with the government. The place that the PNV wants in politics is achieved through agreements and disagreements, confrontation and agreement. In that sense, it is his clear line and I respect it.

Hearing this, one may think that the site of the H1 is in the PNV.
As we have already said, we are in a position of democratic and institutional patriotism, but we believe that there should not be a single party in this area. The PNV is fundamental, it has made important contributions in the history of our country and is the first aspect of the Basque Country. However, we believe that there is room for other political expressions in this area, but probably not for another electoral expression. In the Basque Country there are about four main electoral frameworks, not more. One is that of democratic patriotism, the most important. This does not mean that there is no room for other expressions in the political sphere. We believe that parties in the same field should be united in the elections. As long as it is not included in the politics of the frentists. I don't feel jealous. I don’t agree with all the policies of the PNV, well, with some quite enough and with others almost completely. But this should not be an impediment to working together and working together on the elections.
About the politics of Navarre: How do you see the NaBai opportunity at the moment?
Our Navarrese comrades are in NaBai. It's the H1! Instead of being created as a party, NaBai was taken as a fan and an independent place within the coalition. As tensions and rivalries have emerged, they have opted for the capacity of the original NaBai. They are doing so and will continue to do so in the future.

What about the pre-agreement between EA and Aralar?

Which is the wrong step. NaBai’s strength was in part a consequence of NaBai’s diversity – its social impact and electoral outcome. It aroused the illusion of many people because it was more than Aralar and EA. To understand NaBai as the two main aspects – then accommodating the small and independent aspects – is to take the wrong steps. It will only lead to problems, since NaBai has started to compete between the two main parties, it appears as an initiative dependent on both parties.

Do you see the U.S. and the U.S. in the elections?

I don’t think the nationalist left and EA will make a single list in the UAE. I don't even think you can talk about it now. In addition, the document between the EA and the nationalist left refers to the respect of the political frameworks and the rhythms of each...

It cannot be said, as some say, that the Patriotic Left has found in EA a runway to land...

I don't think so. A lot can happen in a year, but I don’t see it that way right now.

It's the H1! In the meantime, you're working on an election strategy with the EAJ. What does it consist of?

To begin with, we do not believe that the H1! should consider quantitative targets. Our main challenge should be to publicize, socialize and disseminate our political line. We are approaching people who have never been to EA or EAJ before. It’s not a hundred of them, it’s a dozen of them, between 30 and 40 years old, even students. Our goal is to bring together people who want to make the city our way. Basque politics is very formalized, very ritualized and solemn. We have proclaimed a different way of doing politics from the beginning, we want to be iconoclastic and a bit fragile. We are not created to grow against anyone, but to take people away from EA or EAJ, we are born to gather people who identify with our discourse.