Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

"Euskal Herria has become a strategic point for drug trafficking"

  • Journalist and criminologist Ahoztar Zelaieta has published a new research paper: The Basque narco-oasis. Drug traffickers and police mafias with political impunity. After years of work on political corruption, he has returned to the field of drug trafficking. Although media outbreaks are in other territories, he stresses that drug trafficking has gained a great deal of strength in the Basque Country among the routes worldwide. It offers data on drug traffickers in the Basque Country and on the different agents and bankers related to them, among others.

06 December 2019 - 09:02
Argazkia: Hodei Torres / Hiruka

He has been investigating corruption for years. You've now published a paper on drug trafficking.

For a long time I have been working on drug trafficking with Pepe Rei, Egin, Ardi Beltza, etc., and since then I have kept a minimum of knowledge and a network of sources, made up of people working inside and outside the law. I turned to that network for help and began to draw some conclusions from the information I had been given. I have also included previous studies in the book. Those of Pepe Rei, Txus Congil de Askagintza or Salhaketa. In the procedure of the famous Operation Nécora, for example, Askagintza and Salhaketa were present as a particular indictment.

As the book says, the basic information for starting the investigation has been provided by two sources: an ertzaina and a head of paw.

I knew them beforehand. I have a personal relationship with them and from there we have developed a certain empathy and friendship. I had a friendship with the ertzaina. So far I had not had any information, but when I told him that I intended to draw a book on this subject, he expressed interest. It shows sensitivity to the subject. The collateral damage from drug trafficking is indirect and accurate: The children of politicians from the PNV, the pp or the left Abertzale, a plumber or a judge could stay under drugs. The ertzaina has witnessed these dramas. I've had a great relationship with Hanpa's colleague for a long time. I sent him my intention and he accepted an interview. Of course, we have great discrepancies, but he understood that I am looking for the largest fish. He has gone through prison, not least because he is not at that level. He's not going to play golf with the bankers. I have had a number of information in front of me, and this time he has given me everything he has. Pulling out of there I've come to more people. The ertzaina has put me in touch with judges, lawyers and prosecutors, and I've been past the police reports or summaries. Through Hanpa's colleague, I've got interviews with the capos or with people who work directly for them.

What are the main conclusions you've drawn?

The first is that the drug trafficking network in Euskal Herria is very strong, very strong. He has been ignored for many years. It was done in another time, precisely because of its impunity and its great involvement with the structures of the Spanish State, but since then it has been silence that has prevailed. A false belief has spread that drug trafficking does not influence Basque society.

Since the 1980s, large quantities of drugs have been detected in police operations in the Basque Country. The largest in the state and in Europe. However, Galician and Andalusian drug trafficking has taken the spotlight and the Basque Country has never done so. Evolution has taken place in the last decades. Initially, the drug trafficking network in the Basque Country was only an intermediary of other larger networks: For Colombian networks, Galician, Andalusian... After a long time, it has become an alternative network, a journey of its own. That is what police or judicial experts understand, and I have received the documents and testimonies that say so.

It has become a strategic, larger route. Why? Because many eyes have been looking at Andalusia or Galicia. These networks have become totems, we all know Sito Miñanco or Laureano Oubiña, but nobody knows the capos of Euskal Herria. And they're our capos. The presentation of our capos had not been made. I've presented seven or eight capos.

Those buds are among us a long time ago. Nor did they leave in complicated times, as when ETA declared war to them. There they had other guards. They have been confessors of the police, they have had good relations with state structures. They look like a businessman, they have a business, they contribute to GDP, here they have their networks and their companies.

Does it provide data and specific names in the work?

There's a lot of data and a lot of names, but I've tried to make the book legible. For this, on the one hand, I've written a little bit about information. The novel's thread is a bilbait. This bilbaíno achieved the highest distinction of Cosa Nostran in New York for a non-Italian born person: Associate. I present our capos through the history of this bilbaite.

To prevent the data from being so alien to the reader, I've tried to explain the relationship between these capos and networks and media totem: With Miñanco, Charlín, or Falconetti.

"The expansion of drug trafficking and prostitution networks has gone hand in hand. What is more: the expansion of betting houses"

At the entrance you associate drug trafficking with the sexual exploitation of women.

I found a correlation. Spain has become a drug state at the level of network and drug trafficking consumption, but also a haven for sex tourism. As for nightclubs and prostitution clubs, Euskal Herria is upstairs. The most important prostitution network in Spain is based in the Basque Country. In the Spanish State there are over 1,700 clubs, 90% of which have used a Basque company to commit tax fraud. I have also found links between drug trafficking and prostitution: for example, some nightclubs have been used to launder drug money. The expansion of drug trafficking and prostitution networks has gone hand in hand. What is more: the expansion of betting houses. As for drug use, prostitution and gambling, Euskal Herria is in the Champions League.

In front of Oasis's image, some have written about corruption with Eusko Label, including you. Is there also Eusko Label drug trafficking?

I've given a list of names and surnames. On the one hand, it details the relationship of some members of the external police forces with drug trafficking and dirty war. On the other hand, I have found that some narco-agents who enlarged their resume in the Basque Country have been arrested in Galicia or Andalusia for their relationship with drug trafficking networks. There is very little work done on the Ertzainas, and since the 1980s I have done a chronological job that details the number of detainees or investigators for their relationship with drug trafficking networks. So, what was the greatest amount of speed seized in the history of the state, was intercepted by two Ertzainas. The Ertzaintza is no exception.

It says that there are links with politicians and banks.

I've received previous studies from several journalists, I've updated them. We will see a batzoki managed by two drug traffickers or a councillor of the Basque pp, etc.

What kind of relationship do banks and politicians have with drug trafficking?

They're needed collaborators. For example, in Mexico, mass murders of drug traffickers cannot be explained without talking about the banks. Banks are essential to justify that money. There is a full chapter around the BBV [currently BBVA]. The BBV maintained contacts with Pablo Escobar or his name appeared in the Galician operations of Nécora and Pitón of Andalusia. Subsequently, the laundering of drug trafficking has been of great importance in the expansion of BBVA in Latin America: Argentina, Colombia, Peru -- they've opened research.

In the political world, are certain politicians or parties involved in drug trafficking?

In Galicia, this relationship between parties and drug trafficking is recorded in several judicial summaries and in the work of associations, unions or journalists. In the case of Euskal Herria, as with corruption, it is not so registered. This does not mean that it does not exist. I have some suspicions. It has to be said, in any case, that some politicians have faced drug trafficking. For example, Joseba Azkarraga did a good job. Others looked elsewhere. It has long been published how former lehendakari José Antonio Ardanza, being mayor of Mondragón, authorized an investigation into drug trafficking. The investigation related the drug to the Civil Guard and Ardanza decided to remain silent, not to say anything in the courts and in the media. Finally, other politicians have benefited.

 


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