Prisoner in Barbadillo prison, in the maximum security prison, Pedro Castillo, expelled president of Peru. Former neoliberal president Alberto Fujimori, accused of crimes against humanity, among others, is also in this prison. Castillo declared a state of emergency on 7 December and declared the dissolution of Congress, and hours later the majority of Congress withdrew it from his presidency. The Castle was arrested by the police while requesting asylum from the Mexican embassy. Since then, Dina Boluarte is then vice-president of Peru, and protests and repression have not ceased.
The media El Salto has had the opportunity to interview Pedro Castillo through his team of lawyers, and some of these answers have been translated into Basque.
What happened on 7 December? Was it an attempt to reverse Peruvian institutionality? If not, what did you want to do that day as President of Peru?
It is difficult and complex to explain. It cannot be explained only politically. I have never tried to revolutionize Peruvian institutionality. He wanted to approach the people. It was the day of the resonance of the “insignificant”. I took the flag of the Constituent Assembly and said the conference, I remembered the peoples who voted for me and I was faithful to those who trusted me.
It was my claim. I wanted to make the political class understand that popular power is the ultimate expression of societies. I did not want to obey social economic groups. I wanted to put the people above all else.
I wasn't running away, as the press said, I was going to leave my family at the Mexican embassy, everything was very fast. It was my decision. Nobody else. I was nervous, but I did. After the message sent to the nation, Anibal Torres [president of the Council of Ministers of Peru] was very confused because he did not understand why I did what I did. And all the ministers who were there, who arrived while reading the message.
On 7 December I
wanted to make the political class understand that popular power is the ultimate expression of societies.
After the message, I first thought about my family. I went to the Mexican embassy to leave them, I never wanted to escape. I was coming back. I wanted to keep my family safe. We took the car from the Presidency Palace and we were on our way, when the police stopped us. It was an absolutely illegal situation, because I was still lehendakari. My little daughter started crying because she was sitting on my legs, hugged and reassured so she wouldn't cry.
It has to be said that the prosecutor was never in my detention and that there was no legal process as a Peruvian with rights, let alone as president, because he was still president and I remain president. All this violent attitude was the responsibility of [Harvey] Mattered. I was taken to Diroes the next day, and then the prosecutor arrived.
What do you think of those who say it was a “autocolpe”?
It's a right-wing speech. They don't know the reality of things, they're so ignorant that they invent their stories and repeat them and repeat them without doing good research journalism work. The traditional Peruvian press is shameful. They have tried to destroy my family, they are destroying many other people who oppose this de facto government. The press officers seem to me to be truly ignorant, and they say it has been a self-congratulation, not a people.
Are you a victim of a plot? Who organized this plot?
Yes, I'm a victim of a plot. It is organized primarily by the Peruvian right, which defends the interests of the international right, the neoliberal groups and the imperialists. They have and have used all the machinery of economic and political power. These include the Peruvian press, which also responds to these interests.
The prosecutor was never in my detention and there was no legal process as a Peruvian with rights, let alone as president.
The ordinary people who enter the policy of changing things have clashed from the outset against their interests. That is a fact. I used to be field president, teacher and farmer. They never wanted to rule and the people elected me, my election was democratic. I was never forgiven.
They were always afraid of not being able because they knew they could lose their privileges. You can have money, you can have media, but you never have the heart of the people.
What is the role of the extractivist, neoliberal and capitalist oligarchy?
They've played a hanging role, fear that we'll review the contracts. I was about to review all the contracts of the activist, neoliberal and capitalist companies. They've all played a role cowardly. There are several examples.
The budget used by all governments to pay the press was used in my government for education. I was firm and we did. That's why the press attacked me and continues to do so.
The press has large debts to SUNAT. They don't pay their interests and so you can check on the Pan-American, America TV, Latina TV, ATV and Willax platforms, which is the most defamatory crime channel in this country. They are a “pirate” channel.
The press officers seem to me to be truly ignorant, and they say that it has been a self-congratulation, not the people.
As regards the charges, I managed to collect from customs, oil and sea vessels. As for the renewal of contracts, there had to be minimum parameters. I have not been able to renegotiate many contracts, because the Constitution does not allow me to do so, because they are legal contracts concluded by previous governments.
At Puno my government and I wanted to recover Camisea gas and regional lithium. The whole problem has to do with lithium. Imperialism wants lithium, and my government wanted to give lithium to the people.
I also wanted to renegotiate contracts in order to give opportunities to local and not supranational businesses. We wanted to allocate more fertilizer budget to all livestock and agricultural areas, and they didn't allow us. There are many examples.
It's all about transnational corporations. The country has been kidnapped and linked to a Constitution and to the decrees of laws to give legality to this kidnapping of our territory, our lands and our public roads.
Who, in the light of the facts, is Dina Boluarte? How was your relationship before December 7?
I met Dina Boluarte because Peru Libre proposed him as vice-president. I met him virtually. She didn't campaign in the first lap, I met her personally in the second lap. Everyone told me that I was not supporting a person, but that she was an authority, and [Vladimir] was elected by Cerron. I didn't know what kind of person I was, over time I realized this woman's wickedness.
I used to be field president, teacher and farmer. The right never wanted to govern, and the people elected me.
I was assured that I was a democrat, but it was an appearance. Then he was really noticed about his interests. It was and is calculating and ambitious. Nobody knew it and they didn't want it in their region either, because then they knew that she was a very racist, classicist woman. I met him, because I came to the bases of the people, unlike him. He remained a minister of the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion, and he never wanted to liberate him. So we had a lot of fights. She cried so she wouldn't get dismissed, said she had a family, and with that she manipulated us. He has always managed to prevent us from moving from that position.
What is Boluarte's current relationship with fujimorism and the Peruvian oligarchy? Have you allied?
He works with fujimorism, a plot they all organized. He has his support and I know very well. Everything was prepared with the police and the armed forces. He, the Prosecutor's Office, the Peruvian right, especially fujimorism. Now I know it was related to the Peruvian right before December 7, 2022. They have met, they have spoken, and that has already been, as I know now. He hired people of fujimorism in the Ministry, never gave opportunities to people from towns and regions. And it has now become apparent, it has called on the cabinet to the right that it most violates human rights. The list is known. It became a democrat until its true identity becomes apparent: the dictator.
Is the time to reform the 1993 Fujimorist Constitution?
It is a constituent moment. We're not going to search, history is looking for us. Changing the Constitution is a popular feeling, leaving the Fujimorist heritage. I reaffirm that we need a Constituent Assembly.
What do you think about Congress's decision not to speed up elections?
Congress is delegitimized. Their influence is not in sync with the peoples. Most follow the press scripts in the media. For example, why not hold a plenary session in a region? They go to Ayacucho, Puno, Apurimac, Ica, Cusco, regions where police and armed forces have caused deaths. The people would tell him what they think. Get out of the bubble of the congress and know what the people really think.
Congress is delegitimized. Their influence is not in sync with the peoples. Most follow the press scripts in the media
What do you think is the role of racism in the social explosion in Peru?
The racism, classism and social and economic inequality that Peru has experienced and continues to experience are massacres and violations of rights. I am convinced that lawyers will bring the violations to the international arena with determination and courage.
What steps must be taken to break the political violence against Boluarte’s opposition?
The Constitution has to be modified over time, it is the path the people need, and that is why I sent that message to the nation [refers to the message of 7 December]. I demanded the most forgotten peoples, the peoples we have lived through for 500 years in oppression.
The right will always chase us, always wants to erase us. And when I'm here, I'm in prison, I don't have a family, I think and I think more about it. As my family is also harassed, I think of it as president and as a person. It is also important to say that political violence will continue if this dictatorship continues. Dina is a right-hand toy, like Keiko Fujimori, calculator, which has no values, sold to the best bidder and now sold it to the right, to the bitter, dirty right. She is a woman who will be imprisoned for human rights violations and, above all, for crimes against humanity. He will be imprisoned and international justice will endorse him at the request of the people.
As a former president of Peru -- what solution do you see to your country's current social explosion?
I think I am still President of Peru. I do not accept this Peruvian genocidal government as the representative of Peru. Not only do I speak as president, I speak as a Peruvian, this dictator government does not represent us.
Political violence will continue if this Boluarte dictatorship continues
How do you assess the disproportionate use of force by state agents? Do you think Peru is a dictatorship?
The abusive use of force is not just that. It's a massacre. My fellow citizens are dying. Yes, I believe that Peru is experiencing state terrorism by this government. Yes, it is a dictatorship. Arbitrary arrests are a sign of Dina Boluarte’s dictatorship.
How would you explain, for a European, the term terrogation?
Terruqueo is any act of calling terrorist who criticizes the system, and this comes from the Peruvian right, from the following power groups: press, police and prosecutor. It begins with insults and can eventually open up processes for terrorism to innocent people, as in my case and in all cases leaders. They see me as a monster, that's the story that the international press has built. I am the president elected by all Peruvians by vote. I am not a terrorist, nor have I committed a crime of rebellion or conspiracy, as I am accused. I've never touched weapons.
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