Question “If we are aged”: In practice, the Social Democrats, the reformists, the bureaucrats and the small bourgeoisies of Euskal Herria, both in the North and in the South, are responsible, to the extent appropriate, for the dissemination and support of bourgeois democracy (the dictatorship of capital), receiving benefits and reforms in return. To do so, they draw on a multi-directional philosophy and a clumsy political line of action, the ultimate goal of which is to maintain the exploitative capitalist system and counteract the scientific theory of class struggle. On the other hand, the Basque working class and the popular sectors ensure the impossibility of taking power, and everything that does not oppose the same opinion is necessarily obsolete.

In short, they use arguments that they consider impossible to combat Spanish and French exploitation and occupation outside their structures of domination (in addition to the exploitation of the Basque bourgeoisie). Faced with this, if the people below do not take power, the poor will become poorer and more numerous, and we are many of the same opinion. So things like that, capitalism is going to face the crisis and it's going to be so serious that the survival of millions of people is going to be endangered, a number that's hard to calculate. Given the current phase, the inherent contradictions of capitalism will not be “solved” without the world war, and the tragedies caused by the two previous world wars will be small compared to it.

There are two global positions that look at such a catastrophic situation: on the one hand, those that believe it will not happen, because the system will protect us, because, being its server, we must play on its parameters and, on the other hand, in exchange for our political fidelity, we will achieve something, an ever-ideological fidelity.

On the other hand, we have what indicates the objective, dialectical and scientific analysis of reality. In other words, today there is no possibility of changing the situation within the system that oppresses and exploits us, even if some reform can be made, provided that the primacy of capital is not really questioned.

On the basis of that, we come to the conclusion that we must act outside the system and with our own forces. We say that in our dynamics and political lines no capital law will be taken into account, in essence, since it is made primarily for its benefit. Similarly, if the political, administrative and judicial apparatus of the system are found guilty and threatened, we shall be condemned. At the same time, the fight for the most important objectives necessarily involves making them public and defending them. They or we. There is no medium term and it is only a matter of time to reach that conclusion.

As regards the premises and dynamics for the achievement of our main objectives,

One of the priority themes is to determine who is the subject of the Basque revolution, so that the road to independence and socialism is possible. It is a Basque working people, in which the working class and the most advanced sectors are at the forefront. The history of the Basque National Liberation Movement shows us the limitations of interclassism, especially with regard to the liberation of classes.

It is clear that the scientific analysis of the situation on a daily basis will determine how we should act at all levels. We believe, however, that it is essential to highlight a few points.

We can never question the true ownership of future power. In other words, the most conscious sectors of the Basque working people and the working class will have all the political, economic and derived powers.

At the same time, from a tactical and strategic point of view, we are not going to make any significant political treatment or alliance with the Basque, French or Spanish bourgeoisie. We have to be clear that the Basque socialist revolution is only of interest to the Basques at the bottom.

State-of-the-art organisations to develop such objectives should be of a class nature. It is an independent Basque working class that we need to build the Basque Socialist State, as well as to be independent of the trade unions (without exception in the current Basque policy), etc.

We reiterate that we consider it essential to create a Socialist and Revolutionary Basque National Liberation Movement that brings together all revolutionary class organizations.

Aware that we are working very telegraphically on a subject of great complexity, we will say that in order to take over the power of the Basque people and workers, several instruments of struggle will be needed, therefore, the objective and subjective conditions of the current situation will determine what will be done, how and when.

What we should not do to achieve the above objectives

Without forgetting the Basque/Spanish or Autonomist bourgeoisie, the first thing we should not do is not to surrender or surrender ourselves to the states that occupy and exploit, and that includes others. With the recognition of the dictatorship of capital, we understand the desire to fight for the Basque socialist revolution. This path without return leads us only to destruction, and this destruction of ourselves brings with it that of the status of nation and class.

About the questioner “Why?” (case studies)

Why do weapons and revolutionary theory (independence and socialism) be handed over on the pretext of misleading unilateralism and do not decide to separate unilaterally from Spain and France to build the Basque Socialist Republic?

Without going so far, why is disobedience not unilaterally implemented as a political dynamic to reclaim and achieve the perpetual objectives of the Abertzale Left? However, unilaterally, the “party law” is accepted in Spain and, thus, the political initiative is chained by the rope of our occupier and exploiter.

Why is this politico-military handover called the “peace process”? Why in the “peace processes” around the world the rebels abandon the previous position and make themselves available to the capital to seek solutions for some purposes of confrontation, but not for original political reasons? On the Basque issue, the political reasons and the consequences have remained unresolved, and here we are talking about Basque political prisoners, deportees, refugees, independence and socialism.

If the “Independentistak” group was born as an impulsive element of the demand for independence… it was decided to truly stop, why? Why is the truth not being told? The political and economic structure of the Basque bourgeoisie is not independence, because the independence of the Basque Country is detrimental to its economic interests, why is that concealed? Well then EH Bildu signs the preamble of the Statute for Álava, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa with the PNV (Statute of the Basque Country for the PNV), which will update the State of the Moncloa, as a result of the transition from the fascist dictatorship to the monarchical regime of 1978.

Why did “Esait” emerge and then dismantled as the national body to structure Basque sport? It was said that “due to changes in Basque policy, agreements between parties will be made possible…”. When he heard this, Naiz said to him, “ESAIT has terminated its trajectory, convinced that “everything that has been started is over, and all the acronyms are always at the service of a major cause, but they are never its goal.” Well, but what is clear is that nothing is over and that everything is about to be done with regard to the Basque selections. Likewise, if everything is at the service of Sortu, I am sorry, at the service of a main cause… If it is a nation and a plural popular body, it can be independent without being at the service of a party and, failing that, the party should have an honest popular debate.

Why does “Udalbiltza” emerge as the backbone of the nation and as a dynamic element of the Official and Reformist Left Abertzale later? What they really hide is an insurmountable contradiction between the agreement between Udalbiltza and the new statute, which encompasses Hegoalde and Iparralde, because only Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa enter, and because EH Bildu prioritizes the agreement. Udalbiltza should, in any case, be above the self-government of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, just because of its national articulation.

Why is the fragmentation of the South, that is, Álava, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa on the one hand and Alta Navarra on the other? Basically, we are worse than at the beginning of the Spanish reform of 1978. The Abertzale Left then rejected the change of brand of the Spanish dictatorship, among other things because it divided Hego Euskal Herria into two. Now, however, the division is accepted and, at the same time, a three-lane strategy with different rhythms is built... that aims at the “Confederal Republic of Vasca 2026”. We understand all this without going through jail and with the recognition of the French and Spanish democracies, as well as with the approval of the homologous international political communities. The authors of the “peace process” referred so many times to the same community. When ETA’s disarmament took place, it was to place Euskal Herria according to the international order of the capital (as well as!) The only thing they've allowed.

Why are we asking for permission to decide on “Seguro Esku Dago” and no dynamics are created to directly claim independence, especially in the knowledge that Spain and France would not allow a resulting referendum? That is destroying ourselves, and we talk about that, for example, when we talk about “destroying ourselves by self-decision.” We must reflect on this. Why lose our strength to the detriment of us and, at the same time, to the benefit of our enemies? It is not a question of gradually climbing the ladder, but of descending down the ladder, which is also completely sliding.

In the face of repression, how long will our political line influence us in order to implement national and class objectives? On the other hand, how far will we go with the theory of “possible”? That is, it is possible/viable to deliver weapons and objectives because it comes for us free and, on the contrary, it is not possible/viable to reclaim our objectives because it produces repression. Following this equation, we embrace the legality of the system and of the enemy, and who does not share this idea wants to return the armed struggle, it is nostalgic, impossible, it is outdated, lives in other times…

For the Basque Socialist State! Always go ahead!