Post-election studies show, one after the other, the weakness of the French left. How is it that the Left in power, less time ago, has lost its success and influence? For several reasons: the broken nexus of the popular class, the success of the simplistic responses of the extreme right, etc. The working class must be turned back to the left.

When the French Presidency approaches, all the experts agree that the left or, rather, the different left go straight to failure.

How is it possible that a thousand demons have reached such an underlying river?

The Left is more fragmented than ever in the French State and, therefore, there is no optimistic dynamic to reach power. As a result, each candidate on the left is sounding his own speech and his own music, revealing the disagreements and multiplying the scenes.

There is no doubt that there are real tactical and strategic discrepancies between all these leftist candidates: from secularism to Europe or nuclear.

The Constitution of the Fifth Republic only further aggravates this failure that has been seen in its day. Assuming that in Alabaina it is not possible to win these elections, each one only has in mind to do the best possible result so that the effort can be positioned in the coming legislatures.

Take, for example, the relationship between La France Insoumise (LFI) and the Communist Party. In the 2012 and 2017 elections, both forces joined in line with Melenchon's candidacy. This year the Communists are going by their side because they think that these two experiences have gone wrong, on the pretext that in the two parliamentary elections the LFI did not respect the agreements of the second round. The LFI wanted to steal several circumcisions through the nose into the PCF, pushing an unfair concurence.

Loss of militancy

After many years, can it be said that the different Left have completely lost the popular or popular voter? The different statistics say yes. They would largely lose that “type” of voter. Today, the working class no longer votes and votes on the left with a large majority. It is basically a category in which the largest abstentionist numbers are placed, while others are placed in the mold assumed to the right and equal to the extreme right. You can see, for example, that this year's electoral cari, the communist Fabien Roussel, is trying to speak to that popular voter in his own way to get it back. It may be true that the debates that have taken place on the French left over the last decade have often focused on social or social issues, linked in general to the evolution of a left-wing sociology. As if it were somehow a need of the sectors on the left, the first thing I would do was look at its xilko. In any case, the left would not only lose a large part of their electorate, but also their militant popular base. The example of the Communist Party is quite significant: 30 or 40 years ago in large or medium-sized cities that party could align them and mobilise them so as not to say ten thousand militants in cartiers or in different neighbourhoods. Today you have a little left, but have you lost an area and an area?

Need for recovery of the working class

Although the custom is different, the French Socialist Party can also be framed with similar characteristics. Ideologically lost in some way the north and absorbed by Macron as of 2017, without him realizing it.

The composition and characteristics of the popular classes have changed a lot. In the big factories, where there were still thousands of workers 40 years ago, the number of workers has been dominated, with a downward trend in the trade union presence and in the number of trade union workers.

Perhaps the parameter that has not changed in recent decades is that in the French State still millions of people live daily with very little money and very low salaries, despite having a daily job.

Do the Left or the Left today know how to speak to those kinds of people? Are they audible? Thus, in France, all forms on the left are now aligned, but they do not exceed 25%. There are few challenges, therefore very few at this time.

In Parra, Macron, the right and the extreme right(s) in 75%! So the French left is built again.

Restoring popular classes, reforming organizations or political parties redefined and adapted to the “new” challenge of today’s world, taking into account changes in the social composition of the popular classes, will open a new path by incorporating ecological challenges. The duck must go unnoticed, with alternative programmes and proposals for unity and which, through feasible reforms, are sustainable to a new majority.

I don't know if class struggle is always grounded in the primary sense, but I'm sure that one of the main challenges on the left will be to focus its base and its discourse on the principles of sharing productive wealth. Perhaps this genuine principle of sharing can be a “modernized” indicator of a class struggle in the twenty-first century.