In the Gasteiz Parliament it is said that there is a “sovereign majority”, which is also a “left-wing majority”. On the contrary, as we all know, the government that will leave this assembly of elected officials will not be sovereign or left-wing. EH Bildu has tried to channel this contradiction, but it is impossible. Among other things, because the slogans “sovereign majority” and “left-wing majority” used as headlines do not address reality.

Political activity is much more complex than simple labels made through media headers. For example, political scientist Asier Blas has said that the PNV is a voting group in all sectors. Its mission could therefore hardly be classified by a single name.

Although Blas did not say so, it seems that EH Bildu has used the same mechanism in the process of approximation to the nationalist sphere. Because the sovereign group campaigned to conquer all the space from Ibarretxisma to the Confederal Left. It is therefore difficult to label.

In the post-election numerical dance we look at other historical moments: 1987 (on the eve of the Ajuria Enea Pact); 2001 (Estella-Garazi attached). In the pre-history of globalisation and therefore not at all contemporary.

In 1987 in Hego Euskal Herria the results were 274,000 PNV, 238,000 HB, 210,000 EA, 130,000 EE. That is, 578,000 votes to the left of the PNV, 304,000 more than those of Sabin Etxea. However, the PSOE appeared to help nationalists.

Year 2001 (in the CAPV area). Ibarretxe in coalition 604,000; EH 143,000 after the “Batasuna” process; Ezker Batua 78.800 from Madrazo; PP and PSOE 580.000. In which Mayor Oreja was taken to the presidency, the abstention was very low, 21.5%. The greatest mobilization in history.

As we have seen, oscillations are also much more complex than simple lines: “Win elections, win for the first time…”

If those two historic moments had been managed differently, we would live in a very different reality, but that wouldn't make us. Let us therefore try to analyse what prospects the current map opens.

EH Bildu, giving priority to the field of CAV, has led its main activity to a single strategy. Otxandiano noted that the compass is the itinerary that accompanies an agreement with the PNV and the PSE. ; Concerning the PNV, but not sunk, because the nationalist group is able to reinvent itself; the PSE is humble, but very effective, because what has really achieved the centrality is this group, although the PNV and EH Bildu believe it belongs to them. Because the PSE could ask EH Bildu to help EH Bildu in the not-so-distant future, despite choosing the PNV for the moment.

Crushed Confederal Left. For a number of reasons, even because Otxandiano wanted to cover its scope. PP, anecdotal.

Thus, EH Bildu has achieved the hegemony of an area and has limited himself. If we continue on this roadmap, the only possible step is to reach agreement with political rivals.

On the contrary, the strategic wave that was necessary to channel the armed conflict in Northern Ireland does not seem to be effective in achieving high thresholds in ourselves, in the new historical era.

Tempus:

It has been 45 years since the adoption of the “Gernika Statute”, more than the Franco. The Jeltzales occasionally remember that the deal is broken.

Moving from opposition to the alternative is a big step forward, while when you start to demand the alternative of government without radically changing the system the consequences are very different. In order to reach this possible agreement, let us suppose that if we had to resort to two legislatures, and if sufficient years were needed for the development of the Gernika Statute to come into force, where would we stand? Apart from the professional structure of the political parties, who would have the least illusion of helping thoroughly in such a career?

In today's world, where uncertainty has prevailed, it is very dangerous to approach a one-way strategy. It's very dangerous to walk without direction. The principle of “ecology of actions” is an essential tool for the practice of the abrupt sea, and Basque independence needs independence actions for this principle to generate more attractive changes.

Alternative scripts are needed for the entire Basque Country, for the new Basque country, for the Basque Country to have a future. The sovereign majority.

Patxi Azparren