Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

Authoritarianism and resistance

  • In recent months, the main European institutions and the Spanish State, as well as the local and municipal institutions, have been set up. The political philosopher and professor Jule Goikoetxea has analyzed the process of institutionalization that has taken place after the last elections.

07 August 2019 - 10:26
Xabier Sagasta

It is not true that in the last elections in the Spanish State the extreme right has entered Congress for the first time. What do you think is the ideology of the financial economic elite? This elite has been ruling since the 1980s. Existence is not synonymous with what is visible in the media, asks all these invisible social sectors: evicted, puppet, racialized Sanfran, domestic workers who suffer violations every week, students who cannot afford their studies.

I believe that the invisibility between C’s and PSOE is superficial, but the skin is an organ of the body, and currently almost all Spanish organs are in the hands of IBEX35. In short, Sánchez, despite all the legislature, will end up very worn out.

They don't appear in the media until they're organized, and when they're organized, the far-right becomes more spectacular. The causes of all social phenomena are always diverse, and in this case, as every society is misogynist, racist and conservative, patriarchal and colonial neoliberalism with the same borders can take it to the extreme through poverty, precariousness and systemic instability. A recent study in Norway confirms the following hypothesis: In northern Europe, the expansion of fascism does not occur when the number of migrants grows, but when precariousness begins to consolidate. In the Spanish State the same thing: the ultras have spread with massive precariousness, although the Right and the Fascists blame the migrant, feminist and independentist people. With the expansion of patriarchal neoliberalism, poverty and uncertainty widen, this global necropolis generates massive migrations, and in the countries of origin of the elites generating misery the population becomes angry: feminists organize, pensioners agitate, cleaners and domestic workers respond to racialized and sexualized bodies, the will of independence is broken, and the rush to achieve it is broken, and capacities are broken in the destruction of the arts.

Since non-governability is structural, two things can happen. The first is that the PSOE will seek to govern in a minority, reaching one-off agreements with the different parties. The second is a stability agreement with one of the parties, with two or three. Although the whole legislature may be in a minority or with a government agreement, I do not see you much way. It is also true that small parties (Navarra Suma, Coalition Canaria, etc.) They've been willing to help, but it's not enough.

In the case of the PNV, three items have been placed at the negotiating table following the elections on 26 May: Basque Government, investiture of Sánchez and Navarra. The problem is that the PNV needs more to the PSOE than to the PNV. This limits the level of influence of the PNV. I am convinced that they will come to agreements in the CAV, because they have done so in the last 35 years, with war through. The Navarre affair is a state matter and the PSOE 155.eko has a block as a house, so it does not seem to go far, especially because the PSE needs Podemos, ERC or C’s in the state. We could be the most stable, but it would not be enough and after 26M that possibility has been complicated. ERC does not seem to be supporting him instead of concrete management, because there are political demands on the table: political prisoners and referendum. The PSOE is not going to go by. Finally, I believe that the invisibility between C’s and PSOE is superficial, but the skin is an organ of the body, and currently almost all Spanish organs are in the hands of IBEX35. In short, Sanchez, despite the whole legislature, will end up very worn down.

As long as capitalism, patriarchy and colonialism do not disappear, either in the format of European fascism, in the form of ordo-digital liberalism in Silicon Valley or in the form of Neo-Anglo-Americans, resistance against it has become clear in the last year

However, if the right (ultra) had won, taking into account the internal division they have, they would not have lasted a single legislature. That's why the lack of governance is structural. It is one thing to win the elections and it is another thing to get the conditions to govern the state. The PSOE has also won the Spanish elections with a rebound, with the aim of curbing fascism. As if it were not enough, more people than expected in minority nations have voted with a nation-view, showing that this conflicting axis is still there. If the national identity of minority nations is political, not folkloric, like that of the PNV in Bilbao, it can become an obstacle to neoliberalism. It is no coincidence that to govern with the PSOE, the Ibex 35 prefers C’s than ERC; the PNV a Podemos. Because maintaining the unity of Spain is the fundamental condition of the survival of the Spanish economic and political elite, and there are people from PSOE, PP, C’s, PNV and Vox. Among others.

The fascism of the twentieth century and the far-right emerged within a specific racist and misogynistic capitalism. We do not know what 21st century authoritarianism will look like, but the only thing that is encouraging is that as long as capitalism, patriarchy and colonialism do not disappear, either in the format of European fascism, or in the form of Silicon Valley digital ordo-liberalism or Anglo-American neocon, resistance against it has become clear in the last year. l

(This report has been published in Aktuitate gakoa magazine. If you want a full magazine you can buy it in the Argia market.)


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