However, today's epidemic is distant and close, a true global epidemic. The global apocalyptic pandemic that we've already seen in several movies. The script is being kept in art, and I have the feeling that we all want to see the end of the movie, because normally all of these movies end up in a happy collective catharsis, after a lot of suffering, of course. If we were told that we could leave the house tomorrow, I am convinced that we would feel enormous frustration, because in the end we all want to be heroes of a catastrophistic movie.

The alarm demands have, of course, been made for our safety and health. Agamben – homo sacer – says that life is sacred and, at the same time, sacrificial, but making one or another decision is no longer in our hands. On the altar of governability we have sacrificed a dignified life in exchange for survival. The state has taken away the right to decide about our life, it has become not only the guardian of our health, but also the owner. We cannot leave the house and we cannot discuss this measure democratically. Fines will be imposed on us if we go by bicycle to the road individually, while many workers approach unwanted jobs, like every day, in public transport that is full. They call biopolitics, but the management of these days is closer to bio-chaos. We do not know the technique in which these decisions have been made which are considered technical: epidemiology, pneumology, politology or economy. And above all, what is the weight of each “logos” in the decision. We have not conducted a philosophical debate that is at the root of the situation: The utilitarianism that Boris Johnson has approved, “the happiness of the majority to the detriment of the minority of the weakest” of his compatriot Bentham, has to be sustained or a deontological vision: do what is “fair”, without heeding the consequences. Although the consequences are much more serious: the effect of our confinement on the cholesterol rate, for example. The closed Parliament, with the executive in the lead. It is not a novelty, it is a confirmation of the old trend.

And that is that this kind of serious crisis serves to strip away the deep truth, the misery, of our political systems.

In the socioeconomic sphere, for example, the structural inequality of the different is shown raw: from the privileged diagnosis of the whole political class to the housing confined with 60 square meters butane cylinders. What is the market logic that must be taken care of for health? What is the traditional part of work when it cracks, which must assume the overload? In the hands of whom is the custody, at the time when they condemn us to isolation, and in the realm of necropolitics, in whom is the sacrificial citizen? It is clear that the virus itself is much more democratic than its management.

Beyond that naked, the innovation that this crisis will bring will probably be that of telé-labor. The new form of production that the performance society needs, the next qualitative leap of self-regulation: accessible anywhere, producer at any time, available to anyone. A more effective way to privatize our privacy. As these days we cannot leave the house in search of free time, in some works productivity will multiply. I am already noticing in our environment this “mecurragi” that generates boredom. It may be the monkey of everyday life. Difficulties to adapt the tissue to almost zero. The only consolation with regard to the organization of community networks for care work, when we no longer need the decision-making capacity of some workers and perhaps the possibility of resorting to degrowth in all areas.

As far as geopolitics is concerned, crisis management has already shown us that the future lies in the Pacific. China has focused the issue in depth, assuming costs and accepting urbi et orbi. South Korea has established effective protocols from the outset and Japan, plunged into popular depression, has not suffered any such damage so far. And the only reason is not the habit of not touching. As it does not explain the tradition of playing a great deal of the situation in Italy. The Mafia was created in Italy for lack of state support and Berlusconi gave the finishing touch to the welfare state in which it was located. This has been noted in the infrastructure, in the bridges that fall to them and in the hospitals without resources. And Europe, and Europe, is demonstrating that if there was anything, it is nothing, beyond a weak market and a mystified currency. Their ability to control human trafficking, condemning thousands of people to drown in the Mediterranean, does not appear in the response to the virus. No joint voices, no coordination. The virus is very small, much smaller than any African man.

And in this nude, the champion of Spain. It has declared a state of alarm, formalising a permanent material state of emergency. When did this exception begin? In 1939, perhaps, in 1978, articles 155 were ratified and established. It also helps the etymology of the word, the alarm, the “to the weapon”. In a critical state, because in the exception one knows who the sovereign is, as Carl Schmitt explained. And the last word of the sovereign is the weapon, the armed force. This was noted at yesterday's hearing of the Government of Spain at the Moncloa Palace. Because, as Arendt would say, their decisions are not based on power, the decision of many together, but on violence, when one or a few, without the will of many, decide.

In this crisis, as in Catalonia, it has become clear that the autonomous state is an epidermal trait. Dialogue or individual relationships have not been preferred, collaboration that initially seemed effective has not been prioritized. It would be logical for the Government of the State to facilitate coordination, as it would not be reasonable for the Castron bars to be open and not in Muskiz. Just as it is crazy that the elections in the Basque Country should be suspended and held in Urruña. Ah, again Europe! Oh, Basque Country! We're experiencing serious systemic stress, very serious, and when there's an authoritarian political culture, you have to take this kind of concentration of power carefully. Because restitution is never a mere restitution. The PSOE and Podemos will be in charge of managing this crisis, but if they will do so, as so far, at the mercy of the market and of greater centralization, they will know that within the framework of these solutions they will always be the “copy” of no one and that people always wager on the original, the unique command that the commanders command. If the virus isn't going to be the end of this government. And, in any case, let this be the most serious conclusion.

Finally, just as it serves to know the character of authority, the crisis also serves to make the subalternity visible: in Basque, the dog and the children, “the alarms, also here, are managed in Christian”.