Emmanuel Macron had to have “broken” the existing political system. This promise reiterated during the campaign, and outside the classical parties, with the creation of the La République candidature in Marche, 24% of the voters trusted the 39 year old “youth”, 66% in the second round, with the Marine Le Pen on the far right. At the end of his term of office we can conclude that this has not happened. During the 2017-2022 mandate, Macron has not opened a new path, but has continued its predecessors, increasing the pace and tone of use.
The public finance union Solidaires usually assesses the fiscal policy of the French president at the end of his term of office. “Tax is not just a technical measure. It is not neutral, by its nature and method of calculation, it influences society, reducing or aggravating social inequalities”. Macro has dedicated itself to typifying taxes and contributions: EUR 60 billion less each year, in the name of ensuring “the competitiveness of companies” and “the purchasing power of citizens”. Tax censorship means an increase in public debt and often a decrease in public services. The debate among economists is that of fiscal policy, the main difference between liberals and interventionists. Macron is liberal and the fiscal measures of the last five years reflect this.
One of the first steps taken by Macron was the abolition of the wealth tax ISF, if the "president of the rich" officialized. The decision aroused the citizen's complaint. V. The 1982 measure by François Mitterrand, the first President of the Left Republic, is significant and every President on the Right has tried to reduce it. The richest 350,000 French were paying the ISF in 2017, with revenues of 5,100 million euros. In the following year, EUR 3.320 million was introduced, only because they are real estate of the richest. “We have made the ideological issue of 35 years complicated and ineffective,” said the Minister of Economy in the implementation of the reform.
It has also typified corporate taxes: €30,000 million less in the period 2018-2021. This trend is not new, but has increased: the range of taxes paid by companies was 50% in 1985, 33.33% in 1993-2017 and has risen to 25% with Macron.
However, in 2019, the largest multinational on the Internet decided to tax a levy of €375 million in 2020: Those with a business of over EUR 750 million have been charged 3% on what was declared in France. Despite its good start, structures such as Attac claim that it does not interfere with tax evasion. Furthermore, Macron removed one of the few measures against tax evasion: Exit Tax or tax on the profits of those who stop declaring their business in France. “That we reduce impositions, that we simplify everything, that we devote more flexibility to the labour market and that we promote the transformation of the French economy, is what we want to show to foreign investors,” Macron said when it comes to removing this tax. Flax Tag or a fixed 30% tax on capital
are also part of the gifts to ricos.Todo this is justified by the “landfill theory”: the reduction of taxes to the wealthiest has positive effects, as consumption with that money retained in the pocket impacts more on the economy and, therefore, on society. But the theory has not been confirmed, it has been acknowledged by the government itself.
The abolition of the ISF on wealth was one of the first steps taken by Macron
Macron’s mandate has also affected public services. It follows the same line initiated by previous Governments: In 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy launched the RGPP or General Public Policy Review and François Holland continued the Modernization of Public Action MAP. In 2017, Macron brought together liberal economists, private sector cadres, investment fund directors and senior officials in the Public Action Commission CAP 2022. They have developed the path of subcontracting and privatization, always making economies to typify the public hole. Various privatisations have been carried out (Française des Jeux, Paris airport, some of the railways, etc.) and there have been a proliferation of subcontracting in health, safety and other public services.
The health sector has probably been the most mobilised to ensure quality public service. Before the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic they were on strike in hospitals, nursing homes or emergency rooms. To warn two dimension numbers: In August 2019 there were 200 emergency strikes and in January 2020, angry and desperate, 1,000 hospital service heads were reported to cease by collective letter.
17,900 beds have been withdrawn by the Macron government, of which 5,700 in 2020, at the beginning of the COVID-19 epidemic. They voted on the Security Reform to calm the complaint of health workers facing the coronavirus. Unfortunately, working conditions have not improved and the sector with a lot of workload and little staff remains serious. One of the most important measures was the increase of the monthly premium by 183 euros, but working conditions remain the same, so many feel “truffle” and “contempt”.
34 public health centres have disappeared in the last five years. The rural environment quickly withstands the closure of public services, both in the health sector and in other sectors such as post offices, transport, courts, schools, cultural centres, etc. It is in this context that he has channelled tax gifts to the richest. Thus, it is no coincidence that Jaka Horiek blossomed in autumn 2018.
Macron's attitude broke the complaint and boredom of the precarious, starting a citizen movement he had not seen long ago. From past mobilizations, government responses did not serve to calm Jaka Horiek’s protests. The decentralized, autonomous trade union and party movement developed new organizations and tools in the French State roundabouts. What was initially a carbon tax movement soon became contrary to the political system. Macron dreamed of channeling the “change” from the repeated base of the word. Macron démission! The message was omnipresent until the 2019 lockdown.
The Jaka Horiek demonstrations showed spectacular images, with strong violence on both sides. 3,000 convicts, 1,000 prisons. Amnesty International described police violence as terrible: “This model of managing the demonstrations exceeds the Jaka Horiek movement, we have also seen it in the protests on 1 May and in the fire demonstrations. We ourselves have been gassed for climate. The maintenance of order in France today is to direct immediate and large-scale repression, regardless of whether fundamental freedoms are blistered.” In total, 2,500 Jaka Hori were wounded by police.
Macron takes a number of measures to protect police actions, including violence
This violence was not regretted by Macron, but took a series of measures to protect police actions, including violence. In 2019 passed Loi Anti-casseurs or Anti-Breakers Act, with the right to demonstrate in a fast pace – possibility of prohibiting demonstrations for the prefect, jail and fine for the covered face, expansion of the right to human exploration, etc. We also bear in mind the Global Security Act, which was voted on last year, because it involves a ban on spreading images of police abuse “in bad faith”, an obligation to touch the press letter to cover up demonstrations, and the fact that the detention of places becomes
a crime for the periodista.La emergency situation raised to deal with the “Islamist threat” has resulted in a number of rights and freedoms being restricted. Basically, human rights defenders have repeatedly raised the alarm.
Months after the presidency took office, it dealt with the reform of the Labour Code through ordinances. The reform includes 117 measures to “overcome the rational fear of hiring entrepreneurs”. “It is a setback in the scope of the employment contract and questions the objective of the Labour Code,” according to the French Bar Unions, SAF. Outsourcing entails changes to facilitate – reducing the time to go to the labor court, limited compensation, etc. – as well as the weakening of the rights of the working class – which have been placed above sectoral agreements within companies; unlike what it was until then, restricted contracts can be renewed time and again, keeping the working class in ignorance and precariousness, etc.
As he said “generous”, the Macron government has also reformed the area of unemployment. Changing the way unemployment is calculated, unemployment receives an average of 17%, 400,000 of them 40% less according to the public structure Unedic. How? Because the amount of the prize takes into account the deadlines worked and not worked. This reduces the referential prize of the newspaper, as the number of days without work is also recorded. Conditions for receiving unemployment have also been tightened – in order to qualify for unemployment benefit four months had to be worked in the last 28 months, but since the reform the working time in the 24 months is six months.
Citizens have been on the streets more than once in the last five years. With the exception of the retirement reform, the unions have not achieved a massive and lasting mobilization, and it seems that they are thinking that the rights of workers and the social state have been violently excited.
The wind of change has not revolutionized the terrain of parity, even though Macron himself defined it to be the “major problem” of his mandate. I too could encourage the government, but it does not listen, preferring to elect Minister of the Interior to Gerard Darmanin, accused of a violation, and to the Minister of Justice, Eric Dupont-Moretti, who had been making violent anti-feminist statements. Same as in the climate emergency in its priorities. However, it could have channelled the change on the basis of proposals from international experts and citizens. Oroit gara, Affaire du siècle or “XXI. As part of the “Question of the 21st Century” initiative, two million citizens signed a petition denouncing France’s limited involvement in the fight against the climate emergency. For the same reason, the four environmental groups denounced the state and the justice gave them the right in October last year.