Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

“Changing the police model does not guarantee an end to impunity”

  • IRIDIA is a human rights observatory to combat police violence. It provides free legal advice and psychosocial support to victims. In addition, the observatory carries out dissemination and denunciation activities through communication campaigns and relations with political and parliamentary groups. Anaïs Franquesa (Vilafranca del Penedès, Catalan Countries, 1983) is co-director and criminal law lawyer at IRIDIA.
"Polizia jardueren kontrolerako eta fiskalizaziorako tresnak dituzten erakunde independenteak behar dira". (Argazkia: Jordi Borràs)

As a result of the events of recent months, the use of foam launchers has been at the heart of the discussion both in the Catalan countries and in the Basque Country.
Foam launchers can cause great damage. They were originally created to replace firearms and, according to international UN regulations, cannot be used interchangeably. In other words, they cannot be used for the purpose of dispersing against a group of demonstrators, they are not designed to do so.

But, for example, the protocol recently published by Mosso d’Esquadre lo permite.El protocol published thanks
to the pre-agreement between the ERC and CUP parties for the composition of the government is of great concern to us. It is reported that if a person throws an object, Esquadra Mosso can shoot at the extremities. This means they can shoot at their head and then say, for example, that they were shooting at their hands.

Can this problem be solved by replacing foam launchers with another instrument? What should be the starting point? Deciding whether or not to replace
it with another weapon is the last link. The first thing you have to look at is how you can control it and what the response will be given from the institution itself if an agent commits a crime. Need for control and control instruments. Replacing weapons or changing the police model does not guarantee an end to impunity.

What are these control and control instruments based on and who should be
responsible for this?What is clear is that they should not depend on the hierarchical structure of the police, they should be independent bodies. In addition to assessing whether the specific conduct of the police should be tried by the courts, they would also inspect the weapon acquired.

Meanwhile, impunity prevails. It's discouraging.
We are told that we have to trust the police, but mistrust with the police is generated by impunity when institutions and courts do not give a strong response. This impunity must be flouted and we are progressing gradually. In 2020, we investigated 135 officers at IRIDIA, which was unthinkable a few years ago, let alone come to trial or convict a police officer.

Photo: Jordi Borràs

Explained as a transparency tool, the Ertzaintza has announced that by the end of the year the cameras will take them in uniforms. What do you think? Cameras
can be useful for transparency, but we will have to see who will control those images. Can the agent decide when to start and when to stop recording? Next, will you see this recording? Or will these images be sent to an independent body in an encrypted form, which can decide, in the event of a complaint, whether or not they are presented for trial? How long will these images be saved? There are many questions in the air.

Another factor may be that they become instruments of control.
Of course. Cameras can be used to see who goes to demonstrations and to make prohibited ideological profiles. They can violate the right to privacy…

The police have the monopoly of force. What does it mean? The first
link in the escalation of force in the demonstrations is the police presence, as pointed out by the British College of Policing. Therefore, the fact that the police are armed, with shields, helmets, foam launchers, etc., should be understood as an ascent in this use of force. It can increase tension and cause disturbances. The key lies in the perception of what the right to protest is and how it is exercised. If it is understood as a right to guarantee or as a threat.

Some videos show how the Ertzaintza has had contact with the ultra-right company Desokupa. In Catalonia he has also gone with Mosso d’Esquadr. It is very serious. Firstly,
evictions can only be carried out by judicial order. Desokupa is a private company that cannot do, let alone with violence. This can include several crimes, coercion, housing violations, etc. The Ertzaintza should therefore stop eviction. The existence of some collaboration and sympathy between the Desokupa and the Ertzaintza or the Mosso d’Esquadren creates great concern. We have to see where that relationship comes from, what relationship can exist with the right end and why. It is a complex issue that needs to be investigated.

Vocation and activism “My
activism and my workplace are based on the defense of human rights. I have drunk from the work of social movements against repression. The emptying of Plaça Catalunya, for example, was the school for me. Social movements and human rights organisations have managed to mobilise the limits of tolerance. Now, police violence is news, public opinion confirms that it is unacceptable and that it cannot happen.”

 


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