Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

Abolition

Week Grande de Bilbao C. The decision to suspend the Tangana concert was the most intense feminist controversy of the summer, which occurred yesterday. On the return of the holidays, we discussed in social networks the boycott of another event: A conference organized by sex workers associations at the University of A Coruña. The sectors advocating the abolition of prostitution consider that holding a congress legitimizes sexual exploitation. They have used the hashtag #UniversitySinProstitution until the Rectorado has surrendered to pressures. This decision has received the response to a manifesto signed by hundreds of teachers, under the hashtag #UniversitySinCensura.

Prostitution has been the topic that has historically polarized the feminist movement more. Currently, the dynamics of social networks are fuelling and making this polarization even more visible. In a tweet there is no possibility to discuss with much nuance. But if it's 280 characters enough to impose a single thought. The noisiest abolitionists, George W. The networks are using rhetoric similar to Bush's: In the phrase “What is not next to me is terrorism”, change from “terrorist” to “advocate for trafficking in women”.

This scheme has also been applied to the subject of surrogate pregnancies, impoverishing the debate on a new and very complex reality. If we express any doubts or need to listen to other opinions, they accuse us of betting on the commodification of women.

Meanwhile, other abolitionisms do not have that much echo. I am referring to the abolicitionism – that of the prison – fought by Angela Davis. In his opinion, in order to solve gender violence, it is necessary to understand its relationship with state violence. Davis explains perfectly that prisons are patriarchal institutions based on sexual, racial and class oppression.

Sex trafficking is, without a doubt, a form of slavery. But there is an even more normalized and recognized type of contemporary slavery: the regime of domestic workers. Why has a feminist platform not appeared for the abolition of this regime? Surely, this claim would cause great discomfort and conflict in our daily lives. How am I going to be consistent if my family has hired an internal caregiver to take care of the aitites?

A few years ago, I heard the lecture of a highly prestigious abolitionist feminist philosopher. He explained very well that prostitution is a patriarchal and capitalist institution that has an enormous symbolic weight in the male chauvinist education. I applied his speech, but I asked him whether it would not be right to denounce so fiercely the violent violations of women’s human rights in other areas. I spoke to him about the exploitation – including sexual persecution – of Moroccan strawberry workers in Andalusia. The answer of this privileged white woman was: “You can’t compare picking strawberries in the field with eating penis, girl!”

While white and privileged feminists are taking to the extreme our differences in social media, prostitutes, dams, domestic workers and strawberry workers are still organizing against the sexual/racial/class violence they live in. Only a few of them have been turned into objects of our sterile discussions, but they are all the protagonists of their struggles.

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