The first is for unemployment, and the second is for corruption and fraud. These are the main concerns of the March 2017 CIS survey in the Spanish state. Over the past two months, concern about corruption has risen by eleven points to seven points. The end of ETA’s armed struggle and the vertical implementation of neoliberal policies in a context of crisis, as well as the high numbers of corruption cases that have erupted in recent years accused of misappropriation of public money. Most of them from the Ebro.

What is the situation in Hego Euskal Herria? The political letter to throw the government held in Navarre by UPN, PP and PSN was decisive by pulling the corrupt thread of the CAN Ojo! It was played by the association. In the CAV, in these times when the PNV, the PSE and pp are jointly represented, there are not few cases of judicialized corruption.

We have talked about these issues with the following friends: Welcome to Patxi Zamora de Kontuz! with Unai Mendizabal, Gaizka Amorrortu and Patxi Ibarzabal, of the association; and with the journalist and criminologist Ahoztar Zelaieta.

The conclusion is clear, it is important to look at what is under the carpet.

“Miguel Sanz told me that you are a son of a slut, that you are ruining his life and that you are a poor self-employed.” Often, the messages of power reach Patxi Zamora through journalists. This one of Kontuz's most well-known faces, has a smile and angry. We've stayed in Zizur to talk to him.

In the book El Banquete it was reported, through conferences and press conferences, that in Navarre the money from the CAN savings bank, which cost EUR 1.2 billion, had disappeared.

“If you have a responsibility in public management, you have to take responsibility. I can understand the error, the mistakes are human, but you have ever seen to say: Have I been wrong? They're never wrong. That's the problem. That no one accepts responsibility when doing something that has a detrimental effect on all citizens.” Zamora speaks with no clubs.

But what is corruption? Euskaltzaindia defines it as follows: “The granting by a post or employee, illegally, in exchange for money or profits, of the performance of activities for the benefit of another”. The Spanish version of Wikipedia includes in more detail: “The forms change, but the most common are the illegitimate use of inside information, bribery, influence trafficking, extortion, fraud, misuse of public money, prevarication, journalism, cooptation, nepotism, impunity and despotism.”

The key to success? “Besides getting good information, working honestly, talking to all the media, doing nothing weird, and by the time we said something, measured to the last comma, having already tied the next blow.”

Pulling the CAN thread

UPN, pp and PSN have acted as if it was the savings bank itself that took care of it. “They first threw the decision centers away from the dissident parties, and together with them the workers who were flirting with what was happening after their whole lives.” Zamora explains that they made a lot of pre-retirement, so that more and more people stayed. “People were not fired for structural reasons, but to put their people in. Soon came the salary increases of the managers, the increase in the number of these, the increase in the diets... in the worst economic situation, multiplied their wages”. But who signed those salary increases? Miguel Sanz (UPN) and Martín Fluxak, according to Zamora. “In this new organigram, those who cut the cod did what they wanted.”

In addition to the political aspirations, they also sought to control the main economic power of Navarra. “There is no inspection, as they were left alone and eliminated dissent, invested and everything they wanted, including absolutely incomprehensible things. However, when we attend the trial, it is difficult to prove that they did so in the interests of interest.”

In his view, on the pretext of the "global crisis", it was a question of passing the issue without giving great explanations. “Don’t be heavy, there are companies that haven’t sunk and savings banks. In the statutes it is very clear that the Government of Navarra had to carry out regular inspections, and the last was in the 1970s. We know that letters came from the Bank of Spain and threw them into the trash can. UPN, pp and PSN defended in Parliament in the 1980s that if the Banco de España were to intervene in the Can, it would have to be with the permission of Navarra. One of those who defended this was the Vice-President of the Government and the last president of the Can, Gabriel Urralburu: José Antonio Asiain, who by far takes the most money. Let’s look for it.”

Consumer Association

They fight corruption and abuses in the management of public resources. It is important to look at the full name of Kontuz! User, consumer and taxpayers' association. Although it has been at the forefront of the political scene in recent years, it is not a partnership that emerged yesterday morning. They started with Urralburu's case. “We gathered 150 people of diverse ideology, lawyers and others, and we were a particular indictment in the case of Urralburu and Javier Otano.”

Perhaps the younger generations do not know the case of Gabriel Urralburu, the most important of Euskal Herria at the political level. Also known as the “Roldán Case”, he was put on sale in 1994; the former President of the Government was imprisoned by the Provincial Court of Navarra accused of charging million-dollar commissions to real estate companies in exchange for public works awards. Former Civil Guard Director Luis Roldán and others were sentenced to 11 years in prison for attempted murder.

Beware! They returned with the parking of the Plaza del Castillo, amid great demonstrations. Finally, when several of the founders began to gather to eat around the years 2005 and 2006, it was reactivated to give the third blow, as they perceived that "something dirty" was happening.

Case of Miguel

The most important corruption process of the CAV is known as the 'Miguel case'. This was revealed by the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ) at its meeting on March 16, 2017, with 26 defendants, an alleged plot of illegal commissions led by former leaders of the PNV. They are charged with: Bribery, influence trafficking, money laundering and misuse of public goods. The number two of the Alavés PNV and the former deputy of Álava, Alfredo de Miguel, is in charge of running the network.

"A company called Ainhoa Alberdi was told that he had to pay a commission for a public award and opposed it. Despite belonging to the party, they blackmailed him and, fed up with the situation, he recorded some conversations and went to the prosecutor, causing the thing to explode.” Pulling the rope, they found a customer network. “Does the Deputy have to make a young plan? We're going to set up a company to take care of that plan and bring the money you have to spend. How does the plan come out? That doesn’t matter.”

We met in Gasteiz with Unai Mendizabal, Gaizka Amorrortu and Patxi Ibarzabal. They are members of the Association. Nafarroako Kontuz! By way of example, Vitoria-Gasteiz and Álava are trying to analyze and socialize the corruption cases that are occurring in the environment.

“I have been waiting for 14 months for a report from the Ertzaintza on the relationship of Arzallus’s son with Miguel’s case,” complained Álava’s chief prosecutor, Josu Eizagirre, at Euskadi Radio. Only four of the 11,000 Ertzainas are in a position to investigate corruption cases, Adi members report.

De Miguel has defended himself with an attorney from the law firm Cuatrecasas, integrated in the Lezo operation or in the Zubieta incinerator. “He said the prosecutor’s account is a fable.” The De Miguel case is seven years old and it is estimated that the trial could start in autumn-winter.

It's legal in a lot of corruption.

Upon his return to Pamplona, Patxi Zamora wishes to recall that corruption is not established as a sanction in the Spanish Penal Code.

Corruption is not just bringing money in commissions. It is the personal use of public resources for their own or foreign benefit. “For me, corruption is the revolving door, the choice to the letter of those responsible, the favors, the concerted auctions…”.

“There is corruption or unethical behavior in the management of public resources that are legal. The trap is already made. In CAN, for example, the lawyer created a legal organizational chart that allowed unacceptable things: At the meeting of the Management Board, in which it was decided which companies were to be invested, the companies of the members of the Board were selected. They were legally linked, it was legal. Something similar has happened to diets.”

What does corruption guarantee?

“One of the keys is absolute impunity in a completely corrupted system. Justice is not independent and it is difficult to work,” Zamora has begun. “How can crimes be prescribed in this area? I cannot understand that. After many years of committing a juvenile offense, I can understand, both judiciously and ethically, that you have refused your life. But how will he prescribe those who have misused everyone’s money? That should not prescribe.”

Zamora uses the phrase of the Spanish judge Joaquín Navarro to describe the situation: “In the Spanish state judges are not bought or sold, they are given away.” That was their premise and they know what they are fighting against. “Political power has a lot to do with justice, as you can see, it has legislation that doesn’t make very strong against corruption, on the one hand, and political spaces of corrupt parties and unions, on the other, that’s the picture.”

Journalist Ahoztar Zelaieta is an expert in corruption cases. We stayed with him in Mungia. "At the CAV, the Prosecutor's Office has said it has no tools to investigate what happened. There are two main tools to investigate corruption: The Ertzaintza and the Hacienda, both in the hands of the PNV”.

Zelaieta also finds it decisive that Euskal Herria is small. “We readily denounce the cases of Urdangarin, Valencia and other cases of corruption at a distance. But do we talk about the closest ones? Do we have to live together and when they are very close and offer us jobs? If he bites you, beware.”

Who does that?

“It’s time to say what lehendakari thinks about corporate taxation.” The elected president of the Biscayan employers, Iñaki Garcinuño, has recovered the statements made by Ahoztar Zelaieta in the newspaper El Correo as an indicator of the situation. Who's driving here? The Basque Government’s Economic and Financial Advisor, Pedro Azpiazu, has pointed out that the objective is to raise taxes on companies and to lower taxes more means "less service provision, less investment and less innovation". “Businessmen are waging war from the Foreign Ministers, they want to influence Urkullu over the counselor.”

“ELA has also said that these are the ones they send here. The Court of Auditors has investigated whether irregular subsidies have been received, they do not want to raise taxes, they want to lower taxes, they are precarious jobs, many work with tax havens, they do dumping... They are acting as companies across Europe. Bizkaia has gone on to offer tax advantages to the large billionaires of the London Stock Exchange. To vultures in tax havens, in corruption and in tax evasion, in the illegal financing of parties. It’s public and obvious, that’s what’s out there,” Zelaieta said.

The journalist sees that political decisions do not come from the sky. “They send a few powerful citizens, they form a Christian lobby, the multinationals add.” In the book Kutxabank the looting of Euskal Herria developed this idea in 2015 with the publication of long lists of names and surnames.

"What has pressured the PNV to agree with the pp has been Confesbask, and then he has applauded him. They are now on fire demanding that taxes are not raised. In this legislature, the Basque Government has cut EUR 1.2 billion and, at the same time, is causing fiscal erosion that is allowing fraud to large and wealthy companies. We all pay for that.” Zelaieta understands that with the support of pp budgets, the PNV allows the situation to continue as it has been up to now. “They have defended opacity for corruption and blocked transparency against tax evasion and political corruption,” he says.

Quick list of corruption

The journalists of Berria Enekoitz Esnaola, Joxerra Senar and Maddi Ane Txoperena Iribarren have uncovered the main cases of political corruption in Euskal Herria.

On the one hand, some cases in which convictions have been handed down: The Urralburu case, the most serious of the political cases in Euskal Herria, as the former lehendakari ended up in prison. They were caught cheating on the examination of Osakidetza's oppositions in 1990 to welcome people from PSE-EE and UGT. In the Hacienda de Irun, Bravo case, theft of the tax collector. The Guggenheim in Bilbao stole EUR 556,000 in the case of the head of financing; the mayor of the Egüés Valley, Galipienzo, was sentenced to four and a half years in prison for Juan Ramón Ibarra, head of the Treasury Inspectorate. In the case of Epsilon Euskadi, the company declared bankruptcy for contributing more than 50 million euros a year. Former Spanish Government delegate to CAV Mikel Cabieces was sentenced to one year in prison and Mario Fernández to six months in prison for the Kutxabank case.

They are under investigation or judicial review: The CAN case is charged in the Spanish National Court for the alleged crimes of Miguel Sanz, Yolanda Barcina, Álvaro Miranda and Enrique Maya, among others. In the case of De Miguel, there are 26 defendants for eleven crimes; in the case of Hiriko, six accused of using public money in the electric vehicle project; three accused of falsifying Bidegin documents and misappropriation of public funds; in the case of Gürtel, 40 people are charged for allegedly illegally financing pp; and in the investigation of the alleged irregular financing of pp 1.2 million in the headquarters of pp in Bilbao. In the case of Marie, Bernard Marie, the mayor of Biarritz, and the former MEP were three judges who fought him for misappropriation of funds, together with Michele Alliot Marie. In addition to these cases, Markel Olano is formally charged with an offence of cancellation of EUR 6.4 million to the Real Sociedad for a criminal complaint brought by Iñaki Badiola, as Zelaieta reminds us.

In the set of prescribed questions: In 1989, in the case of purse machines published by Egin, several people were accused of illegally financing the PNV by selling machinery licenses.

An oral trial was held in 2001 at the Provincial Court of Bizkaia and the judges concluded that the case had been prescribed. On the other hand, the president of Navarre, Javier Otano, was dismissed in 1996 for having a bank account in Switzerland and subsequently resigned from his office. The case has been seen for judgment in 2004.

The journalist Igor Meltxor, in his books Gestión a la vasca, the Oasis Vasco I y II, gives details about the following cases not mentioned above, denouncing the bad uses of public money: the case of the Lonja de Pasaia, the cases related to the construction of the TAV, the dining business of the CAPV, ETB and local producers, repeat the lists of and the case of the rentals of San Antonio de Vitoria-Gasteiz.

How is the PNV?

“I have great suspicions about the PNV,” says Patxi Zamora. Why is the PNV doing that kind of pacts with pp? Because they're subject to the testicles. See what has happened to Pujol in Catalonia. It's been three centuries since they knew everything, and now they've taken it out. If in Navarre the scandal was that of UPN, I do not want to know what the PNV has done in Bizkaia and in the CAV either. Of Christ.”

In their view, citizens have not had the ability to change that. “I am very clear about it. The PNV will not move from these approaches in any other case, unless it gets caught and punished by people.”

According to the newspaper El País, with the results of 2012, the chief prosecutor of the Spanish Court of Auditors reported that state parties allegedly committed tax fraud or falsification of documents: Pp, PSOE, CDC, United, PNV and EA.

Addressing the two Euskal Herria parties, he accused Eusko Alkartasuna that in his accounts “not all the revenues and expenses” were present. The PNV, for its part, is accused of not recording and declaring revenue of EUR 4.9 million in its accounts. In addition, despite being prohibited, it has a network of commercial companies that “can circulate a flow that can guide illegal financing”. The prosecutor also noted that the PNV accounts were not "real" and did not capture all the activity. Eusko Alkartasuna “radically mined” the irregularities in his accounts and asked for responsibilities. The PNV also flatly denied this and gave explanations of point by point.

In this respect, Ahoztar Zelaieta underlines that the fact that the Court of Auditors has denounced this means a great deal. "He regretted the recording of private income, contributions and donations he made to the party. A PNV charge is under suspicion in a Bakio Finance Report, charged with a fraud offence. If that were extrapolated to all mayors, here would be a tremendous mess. The Bakio Court of Auditors (TSJPV) is signalling this case and is being investigated by a Gernika Court (Bizkaia). They know that people are overwhelmed with information, and the mayor is likely to pay a two-year jail sentence. You will not be able to drive drunk for two years. In addition, they will resort to it.”

Zelaieta says that the head of the company that won the Bakio operation stays in Panama’s papers on charges of tax fraud. “Everything in a small place like Bakio. When you count this in Luxembourg they tell you: "You have a prisoner!" '. That’s the good thing about this country’s smallness.”

Well-sewn customer networks

Some have been made of gold. Patxi Zamora denounces that in Navarre there are companies that have been enriched through public contracts and that have been made with money. "I don't know whether it's legal or not, but some have become millionaires. To highlight one case: While Enrique Goñi was the head of the Can, publicist Ricardo Bermejo billed him over 10 million euros from his design company. He just bought Kukuxumuxu.”

“Something similar happened in the Administration, going from around thirty small businesses to campaign in the field of advertising, each of which did its small work, to do what the company Galobart is, and billed EUR 40 million to the Administration. From the works of the City of Pamplona to the Government. All the other companies have gone to the devil.” In his view, it is clear that favors were being made. “They were obliged to control those responsible and took everything for them.” Zamora has explained that there are “clientele networks throughout the administration” and that we have to “dismantle”.

Ahoztar Zelaieta has given dozens of lectures. On Youtube you can see the conference Evasores, morous and millionaires Basques, Panama connections. Regarding client networks or clientelism, it is noteworthy that the PNV has built in the last decades solid networks that it shares with the PSOE and PP. “Former PNV officials have done business with the PP: Mediasal, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez -- they were all PNV contracts. When the PNV has been in power, the clientelist branches shared them with the PSOE, of which the pp and PSOE companies also ate.

It continues with the case of the Gipuzkoa incinerator with irony: “José Ignacio Asensio, signed by the PNV to be the brain of the incinerator, was beaten by the PSOE, Deia and the PNV when Patxi López was in the government, was director of Euskotren and had the company to dark businesses in Uruguay. Once they are given wood, overnight, it becomes a viable type to bring a subject as sensitive as the incinerator, which can influence health as much. There’s money above all.”

Among the companies awarded the contract of the incinerator of Zubieta, the law firm Urbaser and Cuatrecasas has been registered by court order in the investigation of the financial corruption of pp, following the thread of Canal Isabel II. In the news, gathered by Pello Zubiria in Argia, it can be read that Cuatrecasas has an important presence in Gipuzkoa. “Among the lawyers participating in the company, Joanes Labaien has had, at least before the public, the most obvious relationship with the incineration increases in Gipuzkoa. For example, Santander and Caixabank were the entities that defended the banks during the mandate of Karlos Ormazabal (PNV) in the trial for corrupt swap credits contracted by the GHK. Cuatrecasas is also part of the business group that has achieved the contract of the Zubieta incinerator, as the daily Noticias de Gipuzkoa published on 28 December 2016, in the advice of a concessionaire made up of Urbaser, LKS-Mondragon, Altuna and Uria, Moyua, Meridian and Murias.”

"The PNV says it's going to wear the photos to support with the pp. What the hell to wear! You are carrying the bag of corruption between the two and there you are taken from the two shots, on the one hand Rajoy and on the other Urkullu. Corruption and tax fraud. They go hand in hand,” says Zelaieta enraged. "In the rotating doors of the members of the pp there are also companies of the PNV, such as those of the pp in the revolving doors of the members of the PNV. In the Lezo operation, the names of Urbaser, Cuatrecasas and PWC, awarded public contracts of the Basque Government and of the Basque deputies have appeared. The PNV has been able to read the game, writes the newsletters very well. Corruption occurs before bulletins are written,” says the Biscayan journalist.

However, there have also been clashes between the parties. The PNV and pp went into an indictment war in 2014 for the plot of the 200 batzokis in Bizkaia. First, pp. Nerea Llanos' parliamentarian said that "there may be more cases of pujol" in Basque nationalism. Oyarzabal asked the PNV to explain to the public “how it got the tens of millions needed to open such an important network of social venues.” Egibar warned them that they would break relationships if they continued with "false and unjust accusations without evidence." Oyarzabal acknowledged that he did so without evidence. “All of our accounts and assets are audited annually by the Spanish Court of Auditors,” said Egibar reminding the PP that “its political grandparents” also seized the assets of the PNV following the 1936 War. The water returned to normal until in April 2017 pp denounced that companies linked to the former Deputy General of Bizkaia, José Alberto Pradera, obtained public contracts worth 20 million euros in the last decade. The Provincial Council of Bizkaia responded to the pp who, if these accusations about Pradera are true, will take them to court. Pradera is one of the Basques listed in the Panama papers.

Circling around the revolving doors

“I’ve had enough of saying in the articles: Miguel Sanz charges more money than when he was president, from the second month of his cessation. Is it legal? There have been companies that have signed and wait a certain time. We know that there are a lot of management advice. What happens? Is he a terrible economist? Do you know the toxic waste, transport and everything? No, he is getting business for his friends through his contacts when he has served as president. That is the case. And in the meantime, every month walking. Barcina said he was not going to use the revolving doors and fifteen days later he entered the Movistar Management Board!”

But what is the logic of revolving doors? It can be the return of the favors that a politician has previously given to specific companies, or, on the contrary, bring the portfolio of relations that that politician has maintained during his term of office to a company, along with knowledge of the subject.

An infographic by Ahoztar Zelaieta has been disseminated on the network. It explains the latest leader of the PNV to the multinationals in the energy sector: They will also be in the Bizkaia Gasera, Idoia Zenarruzabeitia, National Energy Commission, Mario Fernández Iberdrola and Repsolera, Xabier Irala Iberdrola and Enagasera, Javier Balza Petronorrera, Josu Jon Imaz Petronor, Orisol and Repsolera.

Beware! Members of the association report that children are also high in public companies: Son of Atutxa, the director of the Port of Bilbao, the director of the Etxepare Institute, daughter of Arzallus, the son of the... “That’s going to be legal, but ultimately it’s corruption. They take advantage of public resources to fix their lives with terrible wages, to live beyond the level we all live in,” they say.

Lost in tax havens

“Did you know that McDonalds and Telepizza, to give you two examples, barely pay taxes here?” asks Ahoztar Zelaieta, taking out two brochures he has brought from a days of fighting corruption in Brussels. "Most of them pay in Luxembourg and over the past five years EUR 68 million could be owed, more late interest than in total more than EUR 100 million. That is happening all over Europe.” In Bolivia, for example, they were told that they had to pay taxes or leave. International newspapers have published that Mc Donalds went bankrupt, but it has not gone beyond anything. It is estimated that in Ireland up to four hospitals can be opened with taxes that McDonalds does not pay per year and could be paid.

“Asked about tax havens, they say they have offices in different places because they have to work around the world. However, if I had a company that works for the public administration, I would explain in detail what, where and for what I have, my current data and accounts. But nobody does. Because they want to hide the money, and what we take is nothing more than the tip of the iceberg,” says Patxi Zamora.

As we gathered in ARGIA, headed by economist Nekane Jurado, in the report published by HerriUni and in the Euskal Oasia Sutan report, all the companies that make up the IBEX35 in Spain have been present in tax havens since 2014. In 2012, 555 companies were registered in these territories, 815 in 2013 and 891 in 2014. Among them are the “big Basque companies”, Iberdrola, BBVA, Gamesa and others with capital in the Basque Country. BBVA, for example, had 52 commercial companies in tax havens in 2014.

“At the end of this process, companies will not pay taxes. Why pay if they can avoid it through companies that have dispersed around the world? The workers will pay the taxes, with the most painful wages,” says Patxi Zamora. He thinks they can't do it overnight, but that's where the process goes.

When we ask tax havens why they have not been reached, the answer is clear: because companies finance political parties and the media. “We live in a very low-quality democratic system, it’s banker, corruption is everywhere.” What is happening in the Spanish State, in Germany and in Great Britain makes it impossible. “With photos we showed that judges and politicians ate together in private dinners. Barcina sat next to a judge, who was the one who acquitted in the case of the attic. One of those photographs would be published in England and that's where the judge's judicial career would end. Not here. It’s legal.”

The multinationals also “Secure”

How are multinationals operating with capital in the Basque Country? “In 2010, the CAV was the second community in the Spanish State with the most investments outside the State. It's the third in 2015 figures. In total, Basque companies have 484 factories and 600 companies worldwide, with 1,200 offices. It’s no joke,” says Zelaieta Ahoztar. “There are EUR 25 billion a year moving in the virtual economy. The transactions were done in the first public scriptures, now they're done with software. Capitalism works this way, it's much harder to control this new field, and experts say that without tax havens, capitalism can't live, it's so toxic that it needs corruption to survive. Our multinationals are in that game, we have a big problem.”

Zelaieta recalls that a report signed by Lakua in 2015 identified a corruption of EUR 826 million in the CAV in tax evasion. After this, the experts hired by the Basque Government calculated a tax evasion of 3,700 million euros – “there is a glass hole of 826 to 3,700 million euros” – but to finish the move, the Gestha Syndicate of Technicians of the Ministry of Finance calculated that the tax fraud in the CAV was 13,670 million euros in 2015. 70% of them are larger companies. “The money that has flown, while they are being cut off in public hospitals.”

“All of this goes with us. The roles of Panama, etc. These are one-off issues, but they have a direct relationship with us. If we are not careful, these rich will give us a coup d'état and they will send us all to the devil. We just had Kutxabank and Euskaltel,” says the journalist and criminologist.

The role of the media

The role played by the media is important for the emergence of corruption, and for this it is essential to analyse media ownership. Patxi Zamora believes that the state media "taparon" the issue when it comes to bringing to light all the political corruption in Navarre. She says that "relevant things happened," like the well-known presenter Mercedes Milá, from the Spanish chain Cuatro, interviewed her at home and never issued her. “Navarre is a state issue and the state’s media have not entered.”

The Navarre people, yes, say that the Navarre people came in. Zamora recalls that two journalists from Gara and Diario de Noticias worked at Kontuz! “We gave everything to everyone at a press conference and the tests were given to all the media. Even opponents, if you give these kinds of tests and everyone else tells you, have to tell.”

“We had the clash with the Diario de Navarra, but it did because it was fully involved in the case of corruption. The chief responsible was at the Council of the Can. This and two others responsible were those who travelled in the helicopter. It was very funny,” he says.

In CAV, the media landscape is different. Ahoztar Zelaieta asks whether the media of Vocento and Hurry are interested in emerging the corruption of the PNV. “Behind Vocento is BBVA, and in Haste is Santander. The PNV has written its history very well from power. In addition to EiTB control, they have connections with these two media groups. The pp may have business with Vocento, but with Haste no. The PSOE with Hurry yes, but with Vocento no. The PNV, on the other hand, has the two with which it has. Opening the PNV’s Pandora’s box is much more risky, has many more side effects,” he says.

The media of Vocento and Haste receive hundreds of thousands of euros each year from the Members and the Basque Government, as can be seen in the report of the Basque Parliament at the request of the Hekimen association. The fact that Vocento obtained EUR 187,000 from the subsidies of the Basque Government to boost the Basque network and ARGIA EUR 17,000 from the subsidies, a few months ago, provoked great indignation. What would happen if it were decided to distribute advertising more equally among all the media and, therefore, the media that most drives the administration in Euskal Herria lost the advertising items of thousands of euros?

The Abertzale left and the PNV, the most important key

At this point, a question: Can the Abertzale Left make a deep political fight against corruption, if that makes a pact for independence with the PNV difficult? “This issue of the PNV is key, one of the most historically key,” says Patxi Zamora.

Markel Olano and Xabier Olano, candidates for the PNV Gipuzkoa Deputy and EH Bildu, a face-to-face paragraph of Xabier Letona from ARGIA:

Markel Olano I will defend the right to decide and our people too, but there are no objective conditions for cooperation with the Abertzale Left, and as long as that is not done, this people have a party in this area. If Joseba Permach goes to the Azpeitia Court, where he says that we are corrupt and mafia, and asks us in the next minute for a joint work in favour of the right to decide, the political weakness he has is appalling. There is a great deal of hatred against us, and that is why dynamics must be promoted in favour of political normalisation in peoples.

Xabier Olano: No one can be asked on his behalf to look elsewhere at the signs of corruption. We must work both ways.

Markel Olano But Permarch wants to: “You mafia, come with me to exercise your right to decide.” If someone thinks that you can do something like that, it has some imbalance.

“It’s not worth denouncing Panama Papers or Bidegi, if we don’t realize that this is structural, we have to face it,” says Zelaieta. “I would offer PNV and pp an anti-corruption deal from EH Bildu and Podemos. So that it is not something contrary to the PNV and that its affiliates and voters do not close the lines. To serve to clean up the party, to overcome the clientelist power structures inside them, which may not let them be the political waistline on the issue of prisoners or of Šeku Dago. “However, I see more that it is going to wear out in the game of the political enemy than to criticize corruption.”

TAV, who is responsible?

Patxi Zamora believes that it is an anti-corruption attitude to support the struggles against “useless big infrastructures”. Regarding the APR, the anecdote of a high U.S. office that moved there when the section between Valencia and Madrid was opened. “The Minister of Spain asked him what he thought and he replied that he was handsome, fabulous, but that there they had no money for it. That's what happens. In the United States, they don’t have money for the APR, and what do they do here?”

With the economic situation in Navarre, he thought that continuing to build the APR "there is no way to endure". “We have to get in there, beware! The Commission's proposal is based on the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of subsidiarity, and the Commission's proposal is based on the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of subsidiarity. Who is responsible for this disaster? We have closed the operating rooms for lack of budget, long patient lists. Why don't we set up a public medical school? Lack of resources. And we squander it into something that can't sustain itself. Who is responsible?” he asks.

A pedagogical example: “If you have two people in your house and one of them is unemployed or you have been lowered, would you buy an iron of 20,000 euros? I'm sure he's planning very well, but you wouldn't buy it. Everything you have is returned to food, clothing and expenses. This is the same thing and there is no way to keep it. In addition to the very important ecological criteria, they are basic things.”

Looking forward?

To begin with, Zamora has stressed that, when it comes to corruption, people must be given names and surnames. “I see a lack of courage among many,” he says angry with those who talk about these issues without naming their leaders.

Zamora says that justice is not independent and that working is complicated. He recalls that one of the commitments made by the new Government of Navarre was the organisation of the Anti-corruption Office and, although he knows that they are working, he believes that two years have passed and that the opportunity cannot be missed. “A public instrument, in addition to the House of Auditors, is absolutely necessary to control corruption and to allow citizens to count things anonymously.”

Zelaieta argues that “the backpack” should be carried by social movements. “All of this affects our lives, and that’s why we need to support movements to raise people’s awareness. We are paying expensive milk and bread for tax evasion and misuse of public goods.”

“It’s true that sometimes you feel frustrated,” says Unai Mendizabal of Adi! “Corruption seems to have no echo or punishment. However, I am not frustrated that I do not win a trial. We wish to denounce that corruption is a matter for the system and that it is prepared to guarantee it. In the Basque Country there has been a particular interest in the so-called oasis continuing: The PNV, like the CIU in its day, is recognized in exchange for political favors. All are included: judges, prosecutors, police and the media.”

From Adi! believe that CAV requires Zué's ant. “We lack information and people, put a filter to the information, find something juicy at a given time.” They say the key is in work and organization. “If we get the issue to be on the street, to generate concern among people... it would be great if a group of these characteristics in each territory were to be sensitized and worked together.”

“People who believe there is no corruption here remind me of a video. In Madrid a type complains about the measures taken by the City Council for pollution: Where is the pollution? You don't see it, he says. Here it is.”

Zelaieta says that many things can be done. For example, areas without tax havens, towns, associations and the municipal network are agreeing not to allocate public employment to companies based in tax havens.

"Since 2007, companies have lowered the tax burden, they are the main perpetrators of fraud and an appeal is still being made to Urkullu and Rajoy to reach an agreement. It is barbaric! It must be remembered that in these times of great crisis the effects of the housing bubble are being eaten by the citizens, that job precariousness is being imposed on the world market and that tax fraud is now multiplying. The drama of Christ comes, it affects us and cannot continue like this”, closed the interview Ahoztar Zelaieta.