30 DECEMBER 2004, the Basque Parliament approved the Ibarretxe Plan with three essential votes – three to three sides – of Batasuna, although it showed clear opposition to it in the previous weeks and months. The surprise was of great magnitude in Basque society and also in the bases of the left Abertzale.

What was approved was the New Political Statute of the CAV, here are some of its principles: The CAV is a people; it has the right to decide; its citizens will decide what relations they want with the territories of Ipar Euskal Herria and Navarre, according to what their citizens decide; the autonomous judiciary; the Basque passport for those who want it; the direct relationship in the European Union; the Basque selections; the total competences in economics, education, health, linguistic policy, public security;

Lehendakari Ibarretxe brought him to the Spanish Parliament in January 2005, but neither pp, nor PSOE, nor IU allowed him to discuss the reform of the Statute. Ibarretxe arrived in Euskal Herria with empty hands, as planned. The Abertzale left did not support it, Ibarretxe had no firm support from the PNV and, above all, did not mobilize the Basque sovereign society. The king was alone and naked. When had I warned him?

Years later, the Abertzale left endorsed the Ibarretxe Plan and used it as content in the negotiations between ETA and the Spanish Government. Moreover, in 2015 EH Bildu re-used the flag and asked the PNV to recover it.

At a time when Basque sovereign views Catalonia, let us imagine another scenario for the Ibarretxe Plan 2004. The Abertzale left fully supports him and puts at his disposal all his political and social strength; at the same time, it announces the cessation of ETA’s violence in 2006 and the goodbye to weapons in 2011. The peace process is under way and, at the same time, on the occasion of the Ibarretxe Plan, Basque sovereigns go out into the streets in their defence, bearing with them broad foundations of the PNV.

How would we be now? Who knows and it is also very easy to draw on pages of the past the roadmaps you want, but it is also possible to reflect and dream.

The ten CUP parliamentarians could now be in that month of December 2004 in trying to equate their situation to the 6 MPs in Batasuna – Josu Urrutikoetxea 7.ena and had already fled. Everything is different, of course, but two votes from the Cup can give the presidency of the first independent government of Catalonia to Artur Mas or not. A person is not a whole reform of the Statute, and furthermore, despite the votes of Batasuna, who did not give him real support, Ibarretxe went out of the flame in the fortress of Ajuria Enea. Iñigo Urkullu took the helm of the PNV and today, the Abertzale left and other sovereign sectors miss that Ibarretxe.

One of the most satisfying data on the night of the plebiscite in Catalonia was to me as surprising as the result of the CUP announced. But I regretted that Junts Pel did not have two more Members; now, both the Cup and JxYes would be in another situation and Mas could push it forcefully to the left inside and out, but without being entangled in this matter.

In some Catalan independence sectors, on the contrary, it is believed that it is better for JxYes not to reach the 64 seats, since in this way the two currents will have to reach deeper agreements that strengthen the process.

That is the case, but the trajectory of Mas over the last five years is not a joke, among other things because the Catalan autonomist sector has managed to bring independence to a very broad group. Who expected me to make that journey? Some yes and most no, let alone looking from the Basque Country.

It is clear that a person is not key, but at a given moment it can be of great help. But today, even more so after the complaint and its image in the European Union, it is a contribution that is not an obstacle to the balance of the process. Where? The Cup and JxYes have a tough choice. Let's see if they do better than here.