Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

Ukrainan joko zikina

SESB erori eta pribatizazio prozesua egin zenean, atzerritarrek debekatua zuten Estatuko enpresak eta ondasunak erostea, baina bertakoek diru askorik aurreztua ez zutenez, prezio ezin merkeagoetan egin zen pribatizazioa. Inoiz gertatu den ondasun publikoen sakeorik handiena izan zen. Adibidez, Kremlinetik gertu zegoen hotel baten benetako balioa hainbait milioi dolarrekoa izan arren, herritar batek 1.000 dolarretan erosi zuen, handik egun gutxira hoteleko sarreran zegoen lanpara 1.500 dolarretan saldu zuen enkante batean. Diru apur baten truke (askotan mehatxu eta xantaiekin lagundurik gainontzeko balizko erosleak uxatzeko) milioidun bihurtu ziren batzuk, bereziki sistema kapitalistaren izpiritua hobekien ulertu zuten espekulatzaileek, mafiosoek eta Estatu aparatuan ondo kokatutakoek. Horien artean edota horien zerbitzura egon dira beti Viktor Justxenko (iraultza laranja ostean presidente bilakatu zena), Julia Timoxenko (Lehen ministroa izandakoa iraultza laranja ostean eta orain kartzelan dagoena ustelkeriagatik) eta Viktor Janukovitx (egungo presidentea).

Justxenko Ukrainako pribatizazioen gidarietako bat izan zen lehenengo, gero 1993tik 1999ra Ukrainako Banku Zentralaren presidentea izan zen Kutxma presidenteak Lehen ministro izateko izendatu zuen arte. Timoxenko eta Janukovitx Kutxmaren zerbitzura egon ziren ere bai. Garai haietan laranjak (ideologia neoliberal eta ukraniar nazionalistarekin herrialdearen mendebalde pobrean dute indarra) eta urdinak (ideologia zentro-ezkertiarrarekin errusiar hiztunen ekialde eta hegoaldeko eskualde erlatiboki aberatsean dute indarra) bat egiten zuten gorrien aurka. Boto gehien jasotzen zuen alderdia komunista zen eta hau isolatze aldera denak ados jarri ziren, nazioarteko potentziak barne. Politikan mendebaldeko potentzien eta Errusiaren arteko oreka bilatzen saiatzen ziren, nahiz eta gatazka gehiago zeuzkaten ekialdeko bizilagunarekin.

Kutxmaren seme-alaben artean bi aukera politiko jaio ziren, laranjak eta urdinak. Sistemak behingoz bi aurpegi erakusten zituen konpetitzeko: borroka ezker-eskuin ardatzean zentratua egotetik ukrainar hiztun-errusiar hiztun ardatzera igaro zen. Eskema berrian komunistak jokoz kanpo gelditu ziren. Baina, eliteen arteko interes desberdinek talka egin dute tarteka. Laranjek aliantza bat dute mendebaldearekin, urdinak aldiz, Kutxmak urteetan jokatutako papera izaten saiatu dira, oreka bilatuz mendebalde eta ekialdearen artean, nahiz eta gatazka gehiago izan dituzten Errusiarekin. Horregatik eta oligarken iturri zikineko diru eta jabetzak legitimatze aldera (honetan laranjek bezala pentsatzen dute), Ukraina EBan sartzearen alde egin dute irmoki. Baina, EBk “asoziazio eta merkataritza askeko” tratatua baino ez dio eskaini Ukrainari, bere murrizketen eta politika neoliberalen paketearekin.

Urdinek, beraien interes partikularren defentsa burutuz ukrainar interesak defendatu dituzte oraingoan, batez ere 2015ean hauteskundeak daudelako berriro. Testuinguru horretan, oposizioa “estatu kolpe leuna” ematen saiatu da. Beste behin, mendebaldeko potentziak eta nazioarteko hedabide gehienak zikin ari dira jokatzen, Janukovitxen gobernua demokratikoa izango ez balitz bezala tratatuz. Errealitatea, ordea, oso bestelakoa da. Mendebaldeko erakundeen arabera (EBk orain bi hilabete argitaratutako txostena barne) Ukraina bere testuinguruan estaturik demokratikoenetakoa da. Adibidez, tratatua sinatu duen Georgia baino “demokratikoagoa” da The Economisten demokrazia indizearen arabera.

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