Thirty years ago, with the rapid mobilizations in the streets of Euskal Herria, we gave the French a pejorative pseudonym: the gabachas. France was the enemy of the Basque militants and, in our view, being the Basques an old, living and fighting people, the inhabitants of this imperialist state were reactionary and sleeping people.
At this time when we lose the initiatives leading to the revolution in our country, since last January, on the occasion of the reform of the races, the French left-wing citizens protest again every week. Organizing demonstrations, strikes, blockades in small and large villages, work centers, roads. A plural social movement has been resurrected, using all forms of action in disobedience. The last, the lapikokadak, to remember that every time a member of the government goes to the visit they have not ended the anger of the people.
Emmanuel Macron and his ministers have put the trade unionists, the students, the old chaqueteros, on the left, the environmentalists, some political parties and others on their side. Lehendakari, with his authoritarian methods and declarations, has given way to a dynamic that initially seemed shy. Opinion polls on Macrón’s acceptance in the toll stream show the most disadvantaged areas of his system. Only the King is currently injured in Parliament to withstand broad opposition. There are only sterile promises of defence, contempt and police in the hope that things will relax. The crisis is from right to left and in the mouth of the most pessimistic, an executive that is increasingly moving towards the far right.
Those who dismiss the reform of the retas, in addition to bringing up the demands of working less and better, intend to face the march of the fifth French republic, albeit legally, to the pretension of an elite to impose, with more serious conditions and imposition on the vast majority of its privilege. There is money to pay for the deficit of withdrawal, among others, in the pockets of giant businessmen friends of the elected. Along with the social sphere, the movement for land is taking a similar reading and momentum. The harsh weekends against the water reserves in the village of Sainte-Soline during the month of April, and the attempt by the minister of the interior to punish the coordination of Soulèges de la terre, the Earth Uprisings, have moved the margins, the ecological environment ruined. Here too, militants and inhabitants of different sectors have built bridges, deciding that to hinder the intentions of the powerful one must go to the spaces where the latter are located. In practice, confluence and shock.
Those who are fighting the reform of the retas, in addition to bringing up the demands for less and better work, are trying to cope with the march of the fifth French republic, even if it is legally, for an elite, with imposition and for its privilege, to impose more serious conditions on the vast majority of the
All the rivals are engaged and, today, announcing who will pull the chestnuts out of this panorama is fiction. Among the reactions caused by such earthquakes, the debate on the use of violence has adopted another style. If, as usual, the legal armed forces are given more recognition and less recognition to the kale borroka, the paradigm shift appears in society and in some press opinions, especially among those involved in demonstrations. Violence is attributed primarily to the Government and the adversaries ' response at the expense of the former. This does not give the full green light to those who want to drive incidents, yes or yes. In this tactic, the wounded manifesto of Sainte-Solin has made it clear to whom the force is and many have perceived that diversity is fundamental to gain. The recently organised call against the Toulouse-Castres motorway project has brought as an example a broad and imaginative quote, in which the minister of the interior was expecting gems and vegetable gardens have been the symbol of resistance.
Macron remains in the palace for four years and, finally, after receiving so many woods, the movements that are stabilizing against his policy bring hope to his heart, convinced that reform has the capacity to derail real reform or at least frustrate his plans. It's not May of 1968, with a much smaller number of strikers, but young people live this sequence as a spring. Convinced that if liberalism is hindered in France, it will also leave traces in Europe, as in the past. Once again, the barbeque gives us the lesson.