Tactic is not an income, because it becomes a simple game. An empty theater play that looked like a change. Nothing changes and those of always continue to govern as always. What can we do then?We cannot fail to go back to the roots of democracy.
These democratic systems create terrible, horrifying ghosts every day. But even though the spectre of the frightening is made clear to us in the eyes of all, they do not give rise to change: from the extreme corruption of the Bourbon monarchy to the criminal prison policy, to the perversity of the high courts and State police chiefs or the betrayal of the government party leadership, to the inability and bad faith of the rulers of the time of the pandemic or the crisis.
It's not something that happens to neighbors, no, the problem is that of the house. Recently two well-known strategists of the Abertzale left complained, in their press article, that there is nothing to do with the current PNV, despite repeatedly trying alliances and agreements with them.
"Better the PSOE in the government than the PP", "better these Spanish budgets than those of others", "better this monarchy than nothing else"... and at the end it is prioritized to act tactically in the central politics, assuming its limits.
by mutual agreement, always be retrotraen.Merece worth analyzing some of the arguments offered in this article and reaching the conclusions. It is explained that in Euskal Herria we have sufficient political and social forces to take firm steps on the road to national freedom and social improvement, and there is talk of a strong movement in favour of the right to decide, of the leadership of the Abertzale syndicalism, of a broad feminist movement, of popular initiatives in favor of the Basque Country and of the impulse of environmentalism.
However, whenever all these forces have been agreed and attempts have been made to establish structures in favour of one's own State, the PNV's turn office has always reacted, and to this end there are cases of agreements in Txiberta, Lizarra-Garazi and Llotja de Mar. When explaining why, the writers believe that the PNV has seen its own particular hegemony in jeopardy and has always preferred to tie its party and the institution and business it considers “its”, maintaining for it the national self-same, rather than advancing the national construction and sovereignty.
The examination is correct, but it may be possible to go further and take into account the following: What is being done in this path of the PNV is precisely to underline the absolute supremacy of the tactic: what can be achieved with this government or Spanish party more than with the other; how can we take a step towards this or the other, but without questioning the main pillars of that State, even collaborating in the support of those pillars. “Better the PSOE in the government than the PP”, “better these Spanish budgets than those of others”, “better this monarchy than nothing else”… and at the end it is prioritized to act in a tactical way in the central politics, assuming its limits.
This is not, for example, the path chosen by the clearest Catalan independentists. They rightly address the roots of democracy and try to turn what is an indisputable right, independence, into laws, by agreeing on a strategy. Perhaps we should also look more at Catalonia than at Madrid.